Home  About FNI  Research  Publications  Staff  News & events  Contact		FNI PUBLICATION SUMMARIES Global Governance and Sustainable Development Tvedt, Morten Walløe 'One Worldwide Patent System: What’s in It for Developing Countries?' Third World Quarterly, Vol 31, No 2, 2010, pp. 277-293. > Access full-text version here (subscribers only) > Read related FNI News Release This article offers a discussion of the probable effects of a Worldwide Patent System for developing countries. It draws upon insights from the ongoing processes in the World Intellectual Property Organization and elsewhere relevant for the global patent system and discusses these features from a developing country perspective. For scientifically advanced developing countries the effect in their most advanced and most global enterprises is potentially positive as they will benefit as much as other multinational companies. In areas of research and development where these most advanced developing countries do not possess a high level of technological capacity, a Worldwide Patent System is unlikely to create any benefits for them. For countries with the ability to copy and produce inventions made by others a Worldwide Patent System will have a negative effect as inventors will have little opportunity to utilise the system, whereas they will be bound by a larger number of exclusive rights narrowing down their space for innovation. For the least developed countries an additional problem arises: it might become even more difficult to import essential goods because patents will be in force in these countries even though there is no production of that product in the country. Flacké, Magnus Jatropha - vidunderplante og problem ('Jatropha - Miracle Plant and Problem') FNI Report 5/2010. Lysaker, FNI, 2010, 91 p. In Norwegian. > Download full-text version (PDF) This report is based on a case study on the Indian state Chhattisgarh’s ambitious biofuel programme. Jatropha curcas is promoted as a development opportunity for the landless poor. Its proponents argue that planting of jatropha can contribute to national and local energy security, generate employment, and be a new source of livelihood, without being a threat to food security. This report explores how the planting in fact affects poor people’s access to land, by looking at the change in the existing resource regimes in the affected areas. The jatropha programme has brought limited benefits to some, mostly through wage labour. It also reveals that the common land that has been identified as available for planting is a vital part of the livelihood for millions of rural poor in India. A key conclusion is that the more marginalized the household is, the more dependent it is on the income from the common property resources. When the state plants jatropha on the common land, the definition of the land changes, and access gets restricted. When subsistence farmers and other rural poor lose access to this common land, their safety net is taken away. Schüller, David On the Optimal Allocation of Green Technology under Climate Change Agreements FNI Report 8/2009. Lysaker, FNI, 2009, 44 p. > Download full-text version (PDF) This report investigates whether a technology transfer mechanism can help to reach a cooperative outcome, in a game on a climate change treaty that involves emission caps for both developed and developing countries. A climate change treaty without the inclusion of developing countries and their acceptance of emission limits is likely to be ineffective. Too little research and development of green-technology is currently undertaken, considering its potential global impact, especially in developing countries. Analyzing a simple game with two asymmetric players, a tentative result is that the technology-transfer mechanism considered here cannot help to establish the cooperative outcome as a Nash-equilibrium. However, the inclusion of secondary benefits in the payoff function, which are likely to occur when such a transfer takes place, could change this result. Skodvin, Tora and Steinar Andresen 'An Agenda for Change in U.S. Climate Policies? Presidential Ambitions and Congressional Powers' International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Vol 9, No 3, 2009, pp. 263-280. > Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or purchase the original article here U.S. membership in the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP) constituted an important element in the Bush administration’s voluntary and non-committing ‘soft-law’ approach to climate change. With the inauguration of President Barack Obama, the U.S. has embarked on a shift in its climate policy towards a legislative, ‘hard-law’ strategy. Obama’s approach implies that the distribution of interests in Congress becomes more significant. In this article, we assess the rules and procedures governing the relationship between the president and the Congress embedded in the U.S. Constitution and explore implications of a stronger congressional involvement in U.S. climate policies for President Obama’s ability to realise his climate policy ambitions at both the domestic and the international levels. We argue that the strong relationship between natural resource dependence (coal and oil) and opposition to climate policies is a constant feature of the U.S. climate policy debate. To succeed, Obama must break the enduring gridlock characterising congressional debate in this policy area by designing policies that, through compromise and compensation, can mobilise the support of oil- and coal-state representatives in Congress. The acceptability of an international climate treaty in Congress, moreover, depends inter alia on the resolution of the difficult issue of developing country participation. Success may be enhanced by using the APP and the Major Economies Initiative as informal arenas for negotiation and sector-based cooperation, thus providing a much-needed supplement to the UN-based negotiation process. Skjærseth, Jon Birger and Tora Skodvin Climate Change and the Oil Industry: Common Problems, Varying Strategies. Paperback edition. Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2009, 260 p. > For orders and more information, see Manchester University Press Multinational corporations are not merely the problem in environmental concerns, but could also be part of the solution. The oil industry and climate change provide the clearest example of how the two are linked; what is less known is how industry is responding to these concerns. This volume, available for the first time in paperback, presents a detailed study of the climate strategies of Exxon Mobil, Shell and Statoil. With an innovative analytical approach, variations in corporate climate strategies are explained at three decision-making levels: within the companies themselves, in the national home-bases of the companies, and at the international level. The analysis generates policy-relevant knowledge about whether and how corporate resistance to a viable climate policy can be overcome. The analytical approach developed is also applicable to other areas of environmental degradation where multinational corporations play a central role. Boasson, Elin Lerum 'On the Management Success of Regulative Failure: Standardised CSR Instruments and the Oil Industry's Climate Performance' Corporate Governance, Vol 9, No 3, 2009, pp. 313-325. > Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or access the original article here (subscribers only) Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) may serve as a regulatory framework for corporate practices or as a management trend that helps to improve the legitimacy of corporations. This article explores whether and how petroleum corporations’ adherence to standardised CSR instruments has influenced how they deal with climate change. It is a comparative case study of Hydro and Shell based on assessments of central documents, publications on CSR and interviews with corporate representatives. The assessment shows that management trend mode of CSR has prevailed within both companies. Company conduct is deeply influenced by the global petroleum field, but it mainly promotes CSR as legitimacy enhancer and hinders the instruments in working as regulative frameworks. Hydro executives have no aim of applying the CSR instruments to guide their actions. Executives at Shell have tried, but without being fully able to get the vast Shell group to adapt. Thus far, the failure of CSR as a regulative framework seems to contribute to its success as legitimacy enhancing concept. Nonetheless, it is not clear whether the two trends will continue to contrast or if they may start to work in conjunction. Gulbrandsen, Lars H. Non-State Global Environmental Governance: The Emergence and Effectiveness of Forest and Fisheries Certification Schemes Doctoral dissertation, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Oslo. Oslo, Unipub, 2009, 234 p. > Read related FNI news release This doctoral dissertation examines the emergence and effectiveness of environmental certification in the forestry and fisheries sectors. Certification schemes have emerged from NGO targeting of major retailers along the market supply chain, such as IKEA and Home Depot. Once aligned, those retailers became central allies with NGOs in the process of persuading or forcing producers to adopt standards. The global scheme for forest certification, the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), has been a model for other certification schemes, including the Marine Stewardship Council in the fisheries sector. In the forestry sector, industry-based certification schemes soon formed to compete with the FSC. These schemes had less stringent environmental and social standards than FSC, but they have gradually strengthened their standards. The study shows that competition among certification schemes has resulted in an upward harmonization of standards. A limitation to effective problem solving is that voluntary certification schemes are often not adopted where there is greatest need to change producer practices. Andresen, Steinar and G. Kristin Rosendal 'The Role of the United Nations Environment Programme in the Coordination of Multilateral Environmental Agreements' In Biermann, Frank, Bernd Siebenhüner and Anna Schreyögg (eds), International Organizations and Global Environmental Governance. London, Routledge, 2009, pp. 133-150. > For orders and more information, see Routledge's website UNEP’s score regarding coordination is quite low. We explain this by three factors: First, although UNEP is formally the main coordinating actor, there are other relevant actors that have more resources and also very relevant competence. There are examples of synergies, not the least between UNEP and IUCN, but turf battles are more prominent, and UNEP has not profited from the stronger link between environment and the development. Second, UNEP’s location as well as its strained funds explains modest performance. Third, internal organization and bureaucratic culture have also contributed to the rather modest score in terms of coordination. Proposed improvement may include that UNEP needs to focus more on the main challenge in global environmental governance today, namely implementation on the ground. It should also be concentrating more resources in terms of bottom-up think tank assistance and scrap the old top down culture. UNEP can assist countries through its considerable experience and expertise in environmental management. Flåm, Karoline Hægstad and Jon Birger Skjærseth 'Does Adequate Financing Exist for Adaptation in Developing Countries?' Climate Policy, Vol 9, No 1, 2009, pp. 109-114. > Access full-text version here (subscribers only) Irrespective of mitigation efforts, adaptation measures will be needed in most parts of the world. The greatest challenge will be for developing countries. The estimated needs for adaptation funding in developing countries are considered in the context of the status and ‘delivery’ of the current financing efforts made under the UN regime and the anticipated Adaptation Fund. A considerable gap exists between the actual (as well as projected) supply of funding and estimated adaptation needs. A number of alternative financial mechanisms are suggested to close the gap between estimated needs and actual delivery. Andresen, Steinar, Elin Lerum Boasson and Geir Hønneland 'Idealer og virkelighet i internasjonal miljøpolitikk' ('International Environmental Policy Cooperation: Ideals and Reality') In Andresen, Steinar, Elin Lerum Boasson and Geir Hønneland (eds): Internasjonal miljøpolitikk ('International Environmental Politics'). Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, pp. 187-206. In Norwegian. > For orders and more information, see Fagbokforlaget's website This concluding chapter presents a comparison of the nine international environmental regimes assessed in the book. This comparison shows that the cognitive, normative and regulative elements of the international cooperation may all crucially affect how these environmental issues are coped with. While it may be difficult to reach international agreement on strong regulations at an early stage, ambitious normative aims and strong cognitive messages may breed the ground for stronger international regulations later on. Moreover, some problems are harder to cope with at an international political level than others. While these problems often stem from the political malignancy of the issue, there may also be other reasons. While there is a clear tendency to treat more and more types of environmental problems as global, it may in some instances be easier to develop fruitful solutions at a regional level. There are no universal solutions to international political cooperation related to environmental problems. The solutions sought must be adjusted to the nature of the specific character of the different environmental issues. Andresen, Steinar and Elin Lerum Boasson 'Internasjonalt klimasamarbeid' ('International Climate Cooperation') In Andresen, Steinar, Elin Lerum Boasson and Geir Hønneland (eds): Internasjonal miljøpolitikk ('International Environmental Politics'). Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, pp. 71-85. In Norwegian. > For orders and more information, see Fagbokforlaget's website The international climate cooperation consists of three elements: The International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the UN Climate Convention and the Kyoto Protocol. IPCC has primarily affected the cognitive understanding of this environmental problem, the convention presents the normative aims and principles while the Kyoto protocol breeds the ground for creation of global and national regulation of mitigation of and adaptation to climate change. The dominant understanding of climate change has changed tremendously during the two decades that have passed since the international cooperation on climate change started. Many countries have also introduced a range of normative and regulative measures. All of the three elements of the international cooperation have been important - although far from the only causal forces - in this respect. Yet the emissions are still increasing. The time constraint concerning the issue and the malign structure poses great challenges for future efforts towards enhancing the international cooperation on climate change. Andresen, Steinar, Elin Lerum Boasson and Geir Hønneland 'Framveksten av internasjonal miljøpolitikk' ('The Development of International Environmental Politics') In Andresen, Steinar, Elin Lerum Boasson and Geir Hønneland (eds): Internasjonal miljøpolitikk ('International Environmental Politics'). Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, pp. 17-35. In Norwegian. > For orders and more information, see Fagbokforlaget's website The chapter presents various analytical approaches to international environmental politics and gives an overview of the development of this policy area, globally and in Norway. The theoretical emphasis is on normative, cognitive and regulative mechanisms in environmental governance. International environmental politics has primarily evolved since the early 1970, with the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment in 1972 as the point of departure. While the early treaties mainly focused on the protection of species and areas, pollution came to the fore during the 1980s, and the international agreements became more concrete and demanding. The "third generation treaties" of the 1990s and 2000s are generally even more sophisticated, and many of them rely on market and incentive based mechanisms. Skjærseth, Jon Birger 'Internasjonal ozonpolitikk: Eksempel på effektivt miljøsamarbeid' ('International Ozone Politics: An Example of Effective International Cooperation') In Andresen, Steinar, Elin Lerum Boasson and Geir Hønneland (eds): Internasjonal miljøpolitikk ('International Environmental Politics'). Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, pp. 55-68. In Norwegian. > For orders and more information, see Fagbokforlaget's website In 1974, scientists discovered that man-made substances could destroy the ozone layer. Today, production and consumption of the most important ozone depleting substances have almost ended. The achievements are partly due to an innovative organization of the international cooperation that reduced the scientific uncertainty and promoted high compliance among almost all countries in the world. The other main reason is that the problem is more benign than most other global challenges, such as climate change and loss of biological diversity. Production of ozone depleting substances is not critical to any single company, country or the world economy and substitutes have been developed at a low price. Still, a number of challenges remain and the ozone layer will not be cured until the mid of this century due to the persistence of ozone depleting substances in the atmosphere. This chapter explores how the scientists discovered the problem, how governments and business responded to the challenge and the consequences for Norwegian ozone policy. Flåm, Karoline Hægstad and Jon Birger Skjærseth Financing Climate Change Adaptation in Developing Countries: Current Picture and Future Possibilities Occasional Paper 2/2008. Oslo, Norwegian Church Aid, 2008, 23 p. > Download full-text version (PDF) Developed countries have made legal commitments under the UNFCCC to help provide adaptation funding for developing countries. Four multilateral adaptation funds have been established at the international level. The Adaptation Fund under the Kyoto Protocol is financed through a two percent levy on Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) transactions, whereas the three other funds are all dependent on voluntary pledges. So far, the output of these funds is far short of the estimated needs, even with the AF up and running. However, bilateral ODA has not been taken into account in this paper. Whatever the development of the multilateral adaptation funds, the considerable gap between their projected ‘supply’ and the estimated needs, has made it necessary to consider new and additional ways to generate adaptation funding. We have presented some of the proposals that have been put on the table so far: increasing and/or extending the CDM adaptation levy so that it also covers the JI and the ET; applying adaptation levies on bunker fuelled transports; funding adaptation through carbon taxes; and using revenues from auctioning of emission permits. Andresen, Steinar, Elin Lerum Boasson and Geir Hønneland (eds) Internasjonal miljøpolitikk ('International Environmental Politics') Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, 210 p. In Norwegian. > For orders and more information, see Fagbokforlaget > Read related FNI news release (in Norwegian) The global climate crisis has brought environmental concern to the top level of international politics. This book gives an overview of the most important international regimes aimed at solving the world's environmental problems, including climate change, pollution to air and water, and loss of biological diversity. The authors describe the problems, the international cooperative mechanisms and their effects, globally and in Norway. They also discuss why the effects vary between different functional fields, and how the regimes can be improved: How can reality be brought closer to the ideals? Auld, Graeme , Lars H. Gulbrandsen and Constance L. McDermott 'Certification Schemes and the Impacts on Forests and Forestry' Annual Review of Environment and Resources, Vol 33, 2008, pp. 187-211. > Access the full-text version (subscribers only) Certification schemes have emerged in recent years to become a significant and innovative venue for standard setting and governance in the environmental realm. This review examines these schemes in the forest sector where, arguably, their development is among the most advanced of the sustainability labeling initiatives. Beginning with the origins, history, and features of schemes, the review synthesizes and assesses what we know about the direct effects and broader consequences of forest certification. Bearing in mind underlying factors affecting producers’ decisions to certify, direct effects are examined by describing the uptake of schemes, the improvements to management of audited forests, and the ameliorative potential of certification for landscape-level concerns such as deforestation and forest protection. In assessing broader consequences, we look beyond the instrument itself to detail positive and negative unintended consequences, spillover effects, and longer-term and slow-moving effects that flow from the emergence of the certification innovation. Gulbrandsen, Lars H. 'Organizing Accountability in Transnational Standards Organizations: The Forest Stewardship Council as a Good Governance Model' In Boström, Magnus and Christina Garsten (eds), Organizing Transnational Accountability. Cheltenham (UK)/Northhampton (USA), Edward Elgar, 2008, pp. 61-79. > For orders and more information about the book, see Edward Elgar It is not clear if non-state governance schemes that claim to take responsibility for collective goods or public interests are answerable only to their own members or if they must answer to the general public. In this chapter I examine the notion of accountability as hierarchical control (upward) and the notion of accountability as responsiveness (outward) by looking at accountability arrangements in forest and fisheries certification schemes. I argue that while most non-state certification schemes are well placed to achieve a high standard of accountability as control, multi-stakeholder certification schemes such as the Forest Stewardship Council and the Marine Stewardship Council have a greater organizational capacity for responsiveness than certification schemes dominated by business interests. I also argue that some business dominated certification schemes take advantage of the flow of popular organizational recipes to adopt particular accountability arrangements in order to divert criticism of their activities rather than to enhance responsiveness to those affected by their activities. Kasa, Sjur, Anne. T. Gullhaug and Gørild Heggelund 'The Group of 77 in International Climate Negotiations: Recent Developments and Future Directions' International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Vol 8, No 2, 2008, pp. 113-127. > Access the full-text version (subscribers only) The article describes and analyzes the main set of G77 positions in the climate negotiations and the dynamics behind the emergence of these positions. While it is puzzling that the G77 has managed to maintain itself as a group in spite of internal differences along variables as prosperity, emissions and vulnerability to climate change, the article claims that a core element behind this cohesion is that these countries share domestic governance problems as much as poverty and economic underdevelopment. Second, the article discusses how recent trends of economic and political development in the third world influence the climate policy strategies of the G77 group in the future. The main factor here is the economic and social progress in states like China, India and Brazil, which separates them from the poorer and less powerful G77 states. Gulbrandsen, Lars H. 'Accountability Arrangements in Non-State Standards Organizations: Instrumental Design and Imitation' Organization, Vol 15, No 4, 2008, pp. 563-583. > Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or access the original article here (subscribers only) This article analyses accountability arrangements in the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) and other organizations that set standards for certification and eco-labeling. It focuses on two types of accountability that are likely to be achievable and important to non-state standards organizations: control and responsiveness. In setting a global standard based on a multi-stakeholder governance structure, FSC established a model for other certification schemes, specifically within the forestry and fisheries sectors. By creating the Marine Stewardship Council (MSC), FSC-supporters exported the certification model to the fisheries sector. Industry-led forest certification schemes that were initiated to compete with FSC and offer an industry-dominated model have come to mimic procedural accountability arrangements initially established by their competitor. However, they have carefully filtered out the prescriptions that could reduce their influence in standard-setting processes. The article argues that while certification schemes could enhance control of corporate environmental and social performance, some of the industry-dominated schemes adopt popular and fashionable accountability recipes to divert criticism of their activities instead of acting responsively to external constituents such as environmental and social groups. Gulbrandsen, Lars H. 'The Role of Science in Environmental Governance: Competing Knowledge Producers in Swedish and Norwegian Forestry' Global Environmental Politics, Vol 8, No 2, 2008, pp. 99-122. > Download full-text version (PDF) or access it at the website of MIT Press, the copyright holder (subscribers only) This article explores the influence of scientific knowledge in rule-making processes to enhance environmental protection in Swedish and Norwegian forestry. It examines the mapping and protection of small reserves; the development of plans for protection of large reserves; and rule-setting in voluntary forest certification schemes. The analysis shows that Sweden has enacted more stringent environmental protection policies on all measures examined. Whereas variation in the state of knowledge about environmental protection needs does not explain these differences, variation in the access to the science-policy dialogue and in the distribution of costs and benefits in the forestry sector does help explain the differences in the stringency of Norwegian and Swedish forest policy. I conclude that the influence of knowledge depends on the process by which it is created. Although scientific information usually has little influence when strong economic counter-forces are involved in the decision-making process, this problem can be ameliorated by facilitating processes of coproduction of knowledge among scientific experts, practitioners, and decision-makers. Boasson, Elin Lerum 'Et nytt samarbeidsklima?' ('A New Climate of Cooperation?') Røst, No 1, 2007, pp. 19-26. In Norwegian. > More information The international climate cooperation has resulted in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the Climate Convention (UNFCCC) and the Kyoto Protocol. All these three have contributed to changing the way we think about the climate problem. At the same time, they also influence the way the international negotiations are carried out. IPCC functions in a cognitive way by influencing how we interpret the climate problem. Its work has contributed to strengthening the perception that climate change is man-made and serious. The Climate Convention gives a normative understanding of the climate problem, which contributes to increasing conflicts between developing and industrial countries. The Kyoto Protocol gives formal binding regulations that have made it possible to create advanced systems to handle emissions globally. So far, it is the work of the IPCC that has had the greatest influence on international opinion and on the way the climate problem is handled. Rosendal, G. Kristin 'Norway in UN Environmental Policies: Ambitions and Influence' International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Vol 7, No 4, 2007, pp. 439-455. > Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or access the original article here (subscribers only) This is a study of Norway’s ambitions for influencing UN environmental policies and then on the scope for impact. On the whole, it is clear that Norway has not been particularly successful in its general efforts at strengthening UNEP. These proposals have failed, due mainly to opposition from key states. Norway is after all a minor player in global governance issues, even in those pertaining to the environment. Norway has been more successful in efforts that indirectly strengthen UNEP, by supporting UNEP in initiating new MEAs. We found three main factors that help to explain why Norway has a relatively high level of influence at the international environmental arena compared to its size. First, there is a relatively straightforward domestic decision-making process with little conflict. Second, Norwegian officials and NGOs possess considerable expertise in these issues, adding to the intellectual leadership role of Norway in pushing for new principles and international legislation through UNEP. Third, Norway is sometimes able to join forces in environmental alliances with other like-minded countries. This would seem to carry the widest scope for increasing impact. Andresen, Steinar (guest ed) 'The Role of UN in Global Environmental Governance: Potential for Increased Effectivenss?' International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Special Issue, Vol 7, No 4, 2007, pp. 317-468. > For more information see SpringerLink's website This is a special issue based on a reserach project on the issue, carried out at the Fridtof Nansen Institute. American and European scholars have also been part of the project and have also contributed to this special issue. The first article assesses the effectiveness of key UN institutions and concludes that overall their effectiveness is quite low, although there are variations. The next article goes more in depth regarding one of these instiutions, UNEP, particularly the circumstances regarding its creation. Next follows four articles on key actors witin these institutions: The US, the EU, China and Norway. Their approaches and interests regarding these institutions are very different. This goes a long way in explaining why effectivness is quite low, although other factors play a part as well. Considering the strong variations in preferences and interests, the potential for profund and effective reform is modest. Andresen, Steinar 'The Effectiveness of UN Environmental Institutions' International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Vol 7, No 4, 2007, pp. 317-336. > Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or access the original article here (subscribers only) This is a study of the effectiveness of key UN institutions focusing on environment and sustainable development: The global conferences on development and the environment, the CSD and UNEP, primarily its co-ordinating functions. According to the indicators used to measure effectiveness here, it is concluded that the overall effectiveness of these institutions is quite low. This particularly applies to the CSD. UNEP has been quite effective in creating new institutions but has been less effective in co-ordinating them. As to the global conferences, their significance has been reduced over time. Andresen, Steinar 'Key Actors in UN Environmental Governance: Influence, Reform and Leadership' International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Vol 7, No 4, 2007, pp. 457-468. > Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or access the original article here (subscribers only) In the introductory article to the current journal, it was concluded that the effectiveness of the UN environmental institutions studied was quite low. Key actors, especially the US and the EU, play a considerable role in explaining the course of development in these institutions. However, this does not mean that these processes are mainly state-driven as a number of other factors matter. The potential for reform and increased effectiveness is limited as the main actors, the US the EU and G-77/China have very different interests and perceptions as to the future directions of these institutions. Kaasa, Stine Madland 'The UN Commission on Sustainable Development: Which Mechanisms Explains Its Accomplishments?' Global Environmental Politics, Vol 7, No 3, 2007, pp. 107-130. > Download full-text version (PDF) or access it at the website of MIT Press, the copyright holder (subscribers only) The CSD has been criticized for lack of effectiveness since its establishment in 1993. The main objective of this article is to describe and explain the mechanisms that affect the work of the CSD in order to understand how it would be possible to enhance the potential for effectiveness. The study applies the perspectives of 'distribution of capabilities' and 'institutional design' to evaluate its accomplishments. The CSD has achieved some results regarding monitoring and reviewing the implementation of Agenda 21 and promoting dialogue and building partnerships, due to the role of NGOs and the Secretariat. However, the member states positions and interests have overall contributed to low goal achievement, especially in the area of policy guidance. Sæverud, Ingvild A. and Jon Birger Skjærseth 'Oil Companies and Climate Change: Inconsistencies between Strategy Formulation and Implementation?' Global Environmental Politics, Vol 7, No 3, 2007, pp. 42-63. > Download full-text version (PDF) or access it at the website of MIT Press, the copyright holder (subscribers only) This article examines major oil companies in terms of climate strategies and their implementation. More specifically, it takes a critical look at Shell, BP, and ExxonMobil, and the relationship between rhetoric and action regarding investments in climate-friendly activities. Empirical evidence indicates a generally high degree of consistency between what these companies say and what they do, but interesting differences are also found: ExxonMobil has done somewhat more than its climate strategy formulations would suggest; Shell has done somewhat less, whereas BP’s activities are mainly in line with its statements. Factors at three levels contribute to explaining these differences: 1) the company level, 2) the political framework conditions in the various regions where the companies operate, 3) international climate cooperation. The findings and explanations, although restricted to the three oil companies with regard to climate change, provide insight into the relationship between corporate strategies and implementation more generally. They offer understanding and analytical categories for assessing how well and why such multinational entities put into practice stated objectives. Andresen, Steinar and Tora Skodvin 'Non-State Influence in the International Whaling Commission' In Betsill, Michele and Elisabeth Corell (eds), NGO Diplomacy: The Influence of Nongovernmental Organizations in International Environmental Organizations. Cambridge (MA)/London (UK), MIT Press, 2008, pp. 119-149. > For orders and more information about the book, see MIT Press This chapter assesses the influnece of three groups of NGOs in the IWC; green NGOs, scientists and industry. A first general conclusion is that the domestic level is of equal, if not greater significance, than the international level. For example, the environmental movement utilized a very powerful channel domestically during the 1980s, instrumental in bringing about the moratorium against commercial whaling. A second general conclusion is that the single most important determinant of scientific impact is is the scientific community's ability to generate consensual knowlledge. A third general conclusion is the significance of how an issue is framed for the turn of events and the subsequent influence of non-state actors. A fourth general conclusion is the importance for NGOs to forge alliances with other actors in order to gain influence. Fosse, Leif John and Peter Johan Schei (eds) Can Community Conservation Bring International Goals Down to Earth? Chairman’s Report from a Workshop on the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment TemaNord Report 543. Copenhagen, Nordic Council of Ministers, 2007, 55 p. This is a report from a workshop on the role of local communities and indigenous peoples in the follow-up of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment in environment and in development policy and practice. The event formed part of the 26th Annual Conference of the International Association of Impact Assessment in Stavanger, Norway, 23-25 May 2006. The workshop gathered a wide range of expertise including indigenous peoples, people with hands-on and research experience from community based natural resource management, representatives of the International Institute for Environment and Development, The World Conservation Union, World Resources Institute, United Nations Environment Programme, United Nations Development Programme, and the World Bank. The workshop formed part of the Nordic Council of Ministers' efforts to make sure that the knowledge generated, and the policy recommendations made by the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment are acknowledged in relevant international fora, including the multilateral environmental agreements, and the Millennium Development Goals. This report summarises some of the experiences and necessary conditions for community conservation to contribute to these global targets. Backer, Ellen Bruzelius 'The Mekong River Commission: Does it Work, and How Does the Mekong River Basin's Geography Influence its Effectiveness?' Südostasien aktuell/Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, Vol 26, No 4, 2007, pp. 31-55. > Download full-text version (PDF) The article assesses the effectiveness of the Mekong River Commission, its impact on the policies of its members, Thailand, Lao PDR, Cambodia and Viet Nam, and their engagement with the Commission. It also seeks to account for China's influence on their cooperation, as China, the strongest upstream riparian state, is not a member of this cooperation scheme for the Mekong River basin. This is achieved using a model for explaining regime effectiveness which rests on the two main variables of problem malignance and problem-solving capacity. Furthermore, the level of engagement of the riparians is accounted for by mainly two geographical variables: position on the river (upstream/downstream), and size of fraction of territory within the basin. Tvedt, Morten Walløe 'The Path to One Universal Patent' Environmental Policy and Law, Vol 37, No 4, 2007, pp. 297-305. > Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or access the original article here (subscribers only) A world patent or universal patent describes an exclusive right granted to one individual company or person, by one centralised institution, which at once becomes legally binding for all citizens in all the countries subscribing to the system, and enforceable upon every private person and public institution globally. Currently, there is not one single coherent world patent system, but rather a number of nation-specific systems tied together by international harmonisation and regional cooperation. A universal world patent would be a huge benefit for multinational companies seeking worldwide exclusive (time-limited) monopolies. The article identifies the following four steps as those required before a worldwide patent bureau can grant the first world patent: 1. Change the authorisation of the WIPO Bureau from being a fact-finding bureau to one with the competence to grant patents (or agreeing that the trilateral offices are to share the role as a universal bureau). 2. Harmonise the pre-grant issues, as prior art, novelty, inventiveness, industrial application, grace period and the right owner of the patent. 3. Make national decisions recognising and accepting the universal world patent granted by the worldwide patent bureau (ratification or membership). 4. Establish a system for reviewing and revoking a patent after it has been granted (although this is not immediately necessary for granting patents). Such a supranational system would break radically with the present system of international law. The basic principle in international law is that states are the subjects of law. Private citizens are not automatically bound by international treaties. An international agreement must be transferred into national legislation to alter the legal situation between private parties. If a world patent bureau is authorised to grant patents, this will break with the current system in international law in establishing a law level above that of the nation state; it will be supranational. This article also identifies the relevant forums where such a Universal Patent System is emerging. Korppoo, Anna Russian Voluntary Targets Proposal Workshop Report. London, Climate Strategies, 2007, 5 p. > Download paper from the Climate Strategies website he Russian Federation initiated a discussion on voluntary targets in COP-12 in Nairobi in December 2006. The proposal is divided into two main parts; a) access to Annex B for those countries not included in it; and b) establishment of a framework for voluntary targets, and financial and technological incentives to support them. This workshop report aims toclarify the proposal and the initial responses to it. Andresen, Steinar and Jon Birger Skjærseth 'Science and Technology: From Agenda Setting to Implementation' In Bodansky, D., J. Brunnee and E. Hey (eds), The Oxford Handbook of International Environmental Law. Oxford/New York, Oxford University Press, 2007, pp. 182-205. > For orders and more information about the book, see Oxford University Press We discuss how science and technology, conceived of as two separate processes, can contribute to enhance the effectiveness of international environmental politics. As to science, it represents an important premise for decision makers in the five international regimes studied.There is a tendency to more and border input as regimes mature. However science tends to be most important in the agenda setting stage. Although science is important as decision premise, it usually has a moderate impact on decisions taken unless it interacts with other 'benign' factors such as a feasible technological cure. Much less is known about how technology can be utilized to enhance effectiveness. Even though technology can contribute to solving transnational environmental problems, it is not generally reflected in the 'design' of the regimes. However, some international regimes use technology specifications as parts of their rules and standards. Technology can also be utilized to enhance effectiveness of international regimes when commitments are implemented at the national level in the form of policy instruments. Wettestad, Jørgen 'Monitoring and Verification' In Bodansky, D., J. Brunnee and E. Hey (eds), The Oxford Handbook of International Environmental Law. Oxford/New York, Oxford University Press, 2007, pp. 974-995. > For orders and more information about the book, see Oxford University Press To what extent do flexibility mechanisms represent totally new challenges and require new procedures and solutions regarding monitoring and verification in international environmental politics? A first main finding is that, for a long time, international environmental commitments were only monitored, with very little verification. But verification has increased over time, through the use of review teams and the establishment and operation of compliance committees. Hence, although the increasing use of flexibility instruments can benefit from established monitoring procedures and some relevant baseline data, the foundation is not ‘rock solid’ – regarding data, verification instruments and practice in particular. The increasing use of international emissions trading and other flexibility mechanisms undoubtedly means more complex multi-level governance systems and hence increasing challenges. But institutional capacity also is increasing, not least on the verification side. Formal access will probably increase as well, partly due to electronic registries at various levels. Hence, no dramatic change in terms of the balance between challenges and capacities should be expected. If a change in this balance occurs, the change will probably be more towards an improving situation. Stokke, Olav Schram 'Qualitative Comparative Analysis, Shaming, and International Regime Effectiveness' Journal of Business Research, Vol 60, No 5, 2007, pp. 501-511. > Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or access the original article here (subscribers only) The article presents and applies a set-theoretic comparative technique, qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), to a string of case studies on shaming as a strategy for improving the effectiveness of international regimes for resource management. This technique is particularly attractive when the number of cases available is greater than the researcher can reliably handle by narrative comparison, yet too low to support statistical procedures. QCA can capture causal conjunctions, even in small-to-intermediate-N situations, primarily because it permits the introduction of simplifying assumptions in a way that maintains a clear connection to the underlying cases – thus allowing substantive evaluation of their plausibility. A more recent fuzzy-set version lifts two limitations of the crisp-set version of QCA examined here (i.e., that variables must be dichotomous, and that the analysis makes no allowance for measurement error and non-modeled causality). Stokke, Olav Schram 'Internasjonale regimer' ('International Regimes') In Hovi, Jon and Raino Malnes (eds), Anarki, makt og normer. Innføring i internasjonal politikk ('Anarchy, Power and Norms. An Introduction to International Politics'). Oslo, Abstrakt Forlag, 2007, pp. 258-286. In Norwegian. > See Abstrakt Forlag for more information about this book (in Norwegian) This chapter provides a bachelor-level introduction to international regimes, that is, substantive and procedural norms that guide behaviour in specific areas of international relations. Often contrasted with structural realism, regime analysis is part of the liberal tradition in the study of international affairs: institutions are potentially important vehicles for achieving cooperation among states that typically have some shared and some competing interests. Regime formation and maintenance can be explained in three complementary ways. Interest-based explanations highlight configurations of preferences; power-based models pinpoint material capabilities; whereas knowledge-based approaches consider how institutions may shape processes of defining national interest. An international regime is effective if contributing significantly to problem solving. Making ‘problem solving’ operational requires causal examination of whether regime outputs and domestic legal implementation affect relevant actor behavior – and whether that behavior significantly affects the state of the problem. Included here is evaluation of other factors that may also affect problem solving. Factors explaining variation in regime effectiveness include the nature of the problem that a regime addresses – some problems are easier to solve than others – and various aspects of regime design that may shape incentives, trigger learning, or strengthen the normative compellingness of institutions. The final part of the chapter discusses two rising topics in regime analysis: regime interplay and the roles of private organizations in the formation and operation of international regimes. Stokke, Olav Schram 'Examining the Consequences of International Regimes' In Stokke, Olav Schram and Geir Hønneland (eds), International Cooperation and Arctic Governance: Regime Effectiveness and Northern Region Building. London, Routledge, 2007, pp. 13-26. > See Routledge for more information about the book The analytical framework advanced in this chapter structure the book’s case studies of Arctic institutions at work in five important policy areas: indigenous affairs, communicable diseases, pollution control and biodiversity, climate change and environmental concerns in the oil and gas sectors. The framework has three main components. Effectiveness is assessed by examining whether an institution contributes significantly to the removal or mitigation of the problem that motivated its formation. Such contributions may occur by generating information about the severity of the problem or ways to mitigate it, by making international norms more compelling, or by altering the ability of relevant actors to behave in desirable ways or the cost associated with failure to do so. The same underlying causal mechanisms – shorthanded as ‘cognitive’, ‘normative’ or ‘utilitarian’ – are drawn upon when examining impacts on political participation in Arctic decision making and the development of closer ties between governments, organizations and individuals in the North. Such regional ties show up not only in direct interaction but also in how problems and opportunities are framed by players inside and outside the region. Gulbrandsen, Lars H. 'Creating Markets for Eco-labelling: Are Consumers Insignificant?' International Journal of Consumer Studies, Vol 30, No 5, 2006, pp. 477-489. The proliferation of voluntary certification and labeling schemes for environmentally and socially responsible production is often seen as driven by companies and consumer demand. Through a careful examination of the initiation and spread of such initiatives in the fishery and forestry sectors, this article challenges a rational-economic perspective that sees the spread of non-state governance schemes primarily as a market-driven phenomenon. Drawing on a political consumerism perspective, it is argued that transnational environmental group networks and their targeting of firms were key to the emergence of non-state eco-labeling schemes, and that most firms decided to support or participate in such schemes only after intensive environmental group pressure. The article opposes the view that non-state governance challenge traditional state authority by showing that states, through public procurement policies and support, in many countries contributed to create markets for forestry and fishery labeling. Although some states have been more skeptical of fishery labeling, largely because of the way fishery resources are managed, they have come to accept it as a helpful supplement to public rules and regulations. Backer, Ellen Bruzelius Paper Tiger Meets White Elephant? An Analysis of the Effectiveness of the Mekong River Regime FNI Report 15/2006. Lysaker, FNI, 2006, 83 p. > Download full-text version (PDF) This report assesses the achievements of the Mekong River Commission, an organisation where Thailand, Lao PDR, Cambodia and Vietnam cooperate about the Mekong River which runs through all four. Burma and China, the furthest upstream, do not participate, but hold observer status. The study uses a model outlined by Arild Underdal (in Miles et al, 2002) to understand and account for the effectiveness or lack thereof of the regime. The main explanatory factors are the problem malignity of the cooperation of the river, the low problem-solving capacity of the regime and its members, and other arrangements for cooperation in the region. The report argues that geographical location along the river, combined with size of territory within the river basin, determines the potential for pusher and laggard roles within the regime, while domestic conditions in the state affect whether this potential is fulfilled or not. Skjærseth, Jon Birger, Olav Schram Stokke and Jørgen Wettestad 'Soft Law, Hard Law, and Effective Implementation of International Environmental Norms' Global Environmental Politics, Vol 6, No 3, 2006, pp. 104-120. > Download full-text version (PDF) The article compares the interplay between soft law institutions and those based on hard law in international efforts to protect the North Sea, reduce transboundary air pollution, and discipline fisheries subsidies. Our cases confirm that ambitious norms are more easily achieved in soft law institutions than in legally binding ones, but not primarily because they bypass domestic ratification or fail to raise concerns for compliance costs. More important is the greater flexibility offered by soft law instruments with respect to participation and sectoral emphasis. Second, ambitious soft law regimes put political pressure on laggards in negotiations over binding rules, but this effect is contingent on factors such as political saliency and reasonably consensual risk and option assessment. Third, hard-law instruments are subject to more thorough negotiation and preparation which, unless substantive targets have been watered down, makes behavioral change and problem solving more likely. Finally, although most of the evidence presented here confirms the implementation edge conventionally ascribed to hard law institutions, the structures for intrusive verification and review that provide part of the explanation can also be created within soft law institutions. Skodvin, Tora, Steinar Andresen and Jon Hovi (guest eds) 'Special issue: The negotiation and Effectiveness of International Environmental Agreements' Global Environmental Politics, Vol 6, No 3, 2006, 143 p. > More information here The first part focuses on negotiations of environmental agreements. Skodvin and Andresen critically examines shortcomings of conceptualization of leadership in international regime formation and change. Hovi and Sprinz analyze conditions that tend to limit the domain of of the socalled 'law of the least ambitious program'. Miles uses the analytical 'effectiveness prespcetive' to assess the effectiveness of the Third UN Law of the Sea Conference. Finally in this section Malnes explores problematic sides of the close interaction between science and policy in regime formation. The second part focuses on regime effectiveness. Mitchell argues that such assessments require that the structure of the problems are carefully accounted for. Victor explores factors that might contribute to overcome the law of the least ambitious program in efforts to achieve an effective climate regime. Skjærseth, Stokke and Wettestad explore how the interplay between 'hard law' and 'soft law' may enhance the effectiveness of international regimes. Finally Young and Zurn present and analyze the International Regimes Database. Skodvin, Tora and Steinar Andresen 'Leadership Revisited' Global Environmental Politics, Vol 6, No 3, 2006, pp. 13-28. > Download full-text version (PDF) In the late 1980s and early 1990s the concept of leadership was introduced in the study of international regimes to describe the role negotiating parties sometimes would take on to craft agreement. At the time the concept seemed to grasp an essential feauture of multilateral negotiations: that parties can be differentiated by the extent to which they take on particular responsibility in guiding the others towards a joint solution. In this article we revisit the concept by asking what the characteristic features of leadership are in international negotiations. Our anlysis shows that current conceptualization is ambiguous and this makes it hard to distinguish leadership from other types of bargaining behavior. This problem is reproduced in empirical identifications of leadership. Wettestad, Jørgen 'The Effectiveness of Environmental Policies' In Betsill, Michele, Kathryn Hochstetler and Dimitris Stevis (eds), Palgrave Advances in International Environmental Politics. New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005, pp. 373-410. This chapter sums up central contributions to the study of the effectiveness of international environmental regimes. With Underdal’s distinction between a problem-solving perspective (i.e. ‘distance to collective optimum’) and a more political and institutional perspective (i.e.‘relative improvement’) as a conceptual backdrop, three major ‘waves’ in the development of the understanding of what constitutes ‘effectiveness’ in this context are identified. With regard to the explaining of effectiveness major contributions are discussed according to the distinction between ‘institutional and problem-solving capacity’ versus ‘characteristics of the problem(s)’. A ‘top five’ list of central problematic characteristics/obstacles to the improvement of effectiveness and some central related institutional cures and techniques is put forward. Main theoretical perspectives and insights are then illustrated by a brief empirical case study of the Convention on Long-Range Transboundary Air Pollution (CLRTAP). A central conclusion is that the analytical challenges involved have been and still are huge. Tracing the effect of a protocol established within an international regime through the national and sub-national processes and through to the effects in terms of environmental improvement is extremely complicated. This is probably also a contributing factor to the fact that other interesting and important issues in this context related to concepts such as fairness and equity have not been much explored. Hence, in terms of knowledge on problem solving and distance to the ‘collective learning optimum’, we are still far away from a truly broad and comprehensive state of effectiveness knowledge. For instance, although we are becoming increasingly certain that regimes do matter, we really do not know that much about how they matter. True, some promising institutional techniques and ‘cures’ have been identified. And as shown by the CLRTAP case study, these techniques have contributed positively to the improving effectiveness of CLRTAP. But we need to know far more about under what conditions these techniques and cures really work. Andresen, Steinar and Ellen Hey, 'The Effectiveness and Legitimacy of International Environmental Institutions' International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Vol 5, No 3, 2005, pp. 211-226. Multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) concluded over lhe last few decades have established complex interlinages between the institutions established by them as well as with institutions like UNEP, UNDP, the World Bank and the GEF. Qurestions regarding the effectiveness and legitimacy of theis system of global governance have arisen both in practice and in research. This essay explores the manner in which these questions have arisen, how they have been adressed in recent research and provides the context for the subsequent contributions to this special issue. Andresen, Steinar and Ellen Hey (guest eds) 'Special Issue on International Agreements' International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Special Issue, Vol 5, No 3, 2005, pp. 211-376. Multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) have established complex interlinakges between the institutions established by the MEAs and institutions like UNEP, the World Bank, the GEF and UNDP. In this volume we discuss various aspects of this relationship. First we set out to discuss the effectiveness and legitimacy of these international institutions. The historical development is highlighted and distinct phases are pointed out. In the next article the role of UNEP and UNDP in MEAs is discussed. In the third article focus is on 'financial institutions between effectievness and legitimacy', and a legal analysis is conducted of the World Bank, the GEF and the Prototype Carbon Fund. In the fourth article focus is on the role of the South in these institutions. It is argued that their role has evolved from 'contestation to participation and engagement'. In the fifth article, focus is on the most important and influential developing country, China. More spesifically, the performance of the GEF in China and how the achievements and challenges are perceived by China. In the final article focus is on the major Northern actors, the US, the EU and Japan. Their role and influence is discussed in relation to such issues as climate change, biodiversity and ozone. Tangen, Kristian, Henrik Hasselknippe and Axel Michaelowa 'Modifying Kyoto' In Sugiyama, Taishi (ed), Governing Climate: The Struggle for a Global Framework Beyond Kyoto. Winnipeg, Canada, International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), 2005, pp. 13-32. > Download entire book The scene is set for negotiations of commitments under the UNFCCC for the period after 2012. This paper discusses how to move these negotiations forward. It argues that a new protocol under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), with binding targets and the same flexible instruments as in the Kyoto Protocol, represents the most promising structure for establishing a framework that will control and reduce global greenhouse gas emissions. However, in order to move towards such a framework, negotiations will have to overcome significant and entangled barriers, including: re-engaging the United States; establishing commitments for developing countries that are stronger than those in the Kyoto Protocol; establishing new emission reduction targets; and avoiding stalemates in the negotiations. With the UNFCCC, the Kyoto Protocol and other international agreements as a backdrop, the paper attempts to identify modifications to the Kyoto structure and develop concrete strategies that could move the negotiations forward. The suggested modifications to the Kyoto Protocol include: a procedure for permitting allowances from non-Party trading schemes to be used for compliance; sector targets for developing countries; target setting as reductions from baseline; and additional eligibility criteria for CDM host countries. In order to avoid stalemates, it will be important that some Parties show leadership, and the EU is a natural candidate for this role. The paper concludes by discussing some ways in which the EU might play such a role. Bang, Guri, Gørild Heggelund and Jonas Vevatne Shifting Strategies in the Global Climate Negotiations. FNI Report 6/2005. Lysaker, FNI, 2005, 30 p. > Download fulltext version (PDF) Although the international climate change regime represents a genuinely global policy process, some actors have a more pivotal role than others - either as dynamos that drive the process, or as barriers to further development. We focus on four pivotal actors, which also are the four largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world: the United States, China, the European Union, and Russia. We argue that the withdrawal of the United States from the Kyoto process has led to a shift of strategies in the climate regime, with a more pronounced split between the EU and like-minded countries on one side and G77/China and the USA on the other, with Russia playing an even more pivotal role than it did earlier. We point out how understanding the role of domestic policies and pressure groups is vital for understanding the positions and strategies taken by countries examined here. We discuss how the current developments in their policy-making can explain the shift of alliances in the climate regime, and what it might mean for the future of international climate collaboration, and conclude on whether or not interests are becoming more polarized. The report is a Strategic Cooperation Project, Alternatives to the Kyoto Protocol, funded by the Research Council of Norway, and is a joint study between FNI and CICERO. The CICERO report number is 2005:08. Kaasa, Stine Madland The Commission on Sustainable Development: A Study of Institutional Design, Distribution of Capabilities and Entrepreneurial Leadership FNI Report 5/2005. Lysaker, FNI, 2005, 67 p. > Download full-text version (PDF) The UN Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD) was established in 1993 in order to follow up the commitments made by member states at the UN Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro. As the CSD has recieved increasing criticism for its lack of effectiveness, a main objective for this study will be to evaluate what the Commission has accomplished during its first ten-year period. Furthermore, this report aims to describe and explain the mechanisms that affect the work of the CSD, in order to understand how it would be possible to enhance the potential for effectiveness. The first part of the analysis concentrates on evaluating and determining the degree of the CSD's accomplishments by comparing them to the CSD’s mandate. Based on the perspectives of 'distribution of capabilities', 'institutional design' and 'entrepreneurial leadership', I evaluate which mechanisms explain the degree of the CSD's performances in the second part. I conclude that the CSD has achieved some results in monitoring the process and promoting dialogue, due to the role of the secretariat and nonstate actors. However, the member states’ positions and interests have had a major impact on the low degree of accomplishments in the area of policy guidance. Bang, Guri, Andreas Tjernshaugen and Steinar Andresen 'Future US Climate Policy: International Re-engagement?' International Studies Perspectives, Vol 6, 2005, pp. 285-303. The question of US reengagement is crucial due to the fact that any global effort to curb GHG emissions will be ineffective in the absence of US participation. Currently, other countries are at a loss to see how the US can be reengaged. In this article, the authors analyze domestic and international trends to establish whether re-engagement is likely. Their conclusion is rather negative, as there is a stable winning and blocking coalition domestically. The domestic strategy for handling this issue is also undecided, which strengthens the negative conclusion. Tangen, Kristian and Henrik Hasselknippe 'Converging Markets' International Environmental Agreements : Politics, Law and Economics, Vol 5, No 1, 2005, pp. 47-64. The crucible in this scenario for the international climate regime is the emergence of an effective and liquid international carbon market with participation of private entities. In order to make the carbon market effective a bilateral negotiation track will develop, operating in parallel with the multilateral track under the UNFCCC. The purpose of the bilateral track is to integrate the various emissions trading schemes involving private actors. This bilateral track feeds into the UNFCCC negotiations, which still represents the main arena for the international climate negotiations. Through the bilateral, bottom-up negotiations a multistage system develops, with differentiated rights and duties, complemented by a package of coordinated support mechanisms. The advantages of such a bottom-up approach prove to be, inter alia, fewer negotiating parties, new negotiation arenas, and a new set of selective incentives. The result is a continuously evolving agreement with the potential to gradually broaden participation and deepen the reduction commitments of the international climate regime. Moreover, the bilateral agreements for linking schemes with private actors also represent a fallback in the event of a collapse in the multilateral negotiations. Michaelowa, Axel, Kristian Tangen and Henrik Hasselknippe 'Issues and Options for the Post-2012 Climate Architecture - An Overview' International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Vol 5, No 1, 2005, pp. 5-24. This article provides a background for the 'Developing post-2012 scenarios project', an international study which looks at a range of scenarios that countries may wish to consider for a post-2012 framework to tackle climate change. The purpose of the article is threefold, Firstly, it provides a review of the literature for the future climate regime. Secondly, it provides a set of criteria that are used in order to evaluate whether the scenarios provided in the other articles in this Special Edition are likely to be effective. Thirdly, the article spells out some of the more general policy implications rising from these scenarios. Stokke, Olav Schram, Jon Hovi and Geir Ulfstein (eds) Implementing the Climate Regime - International Compliance Earthscan, January 2005, 272 p. > More information The international climate regime is only as good as the compliance mechanisms that ensure its effectiveness. This book is the first thorough evaluation of its compliance system, assessing its robustness and ability to cope with internal and external pressures and obstacles to meaningful compliance by national governments and other bodies such as business and industry affected by climate treaties. It covers four main themes: a comparative analysis of the formation and structure of the compliance system and the controversies that surrounded it; verification and its ability to respond to climate-specific challenges and obstacles; how external compliance mechanisms such as trade measures can work alongside internal ones; and the role of corporations and NGOs in its implementation. This will be the authoritative treatment of this essential aspect of the regime to deal with the major challenge facing the international community. Andresen, Steinar and Lars H. Gulbrandsen 'The Role of Green NGOs in Promoting Climate Compliance' In Stokke, Hovi and Ulfstein (eds), Implementing the Climate Regime: International Compliance. London, Earthscan, 2005, pp. 169-186. This chapter explores the influence of environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on the design of the climate compliance regime, flexibility mechanisms, and sinks and how they work to enhance climate performance among both Parties and non-Parties to the Kyoto Protocol. NGOs won acceptance for the dual approach to compliance, with both a facilitative and an enforcement branch, a strong enforcement mechanism, and potentially significant scope for NGO participation in enforcement branch deliberations. A few advisory NGOs seem to have influenced the design of the compliance regime, but it is less certain what their influence would have been without the US coming up with essentially the same approach. NGO influence on the interpretation of sinks and the design of the flexibility mechanisms has been very modest. With regard to enhancing future climate performance, it is shown that NGOs are likely to use both instruments in the compliance system and various strategies to promote their interpretation of the flexibility mechanisms and sinks. Skjærseth, Jon Birger 'Major Oil Companies in Climate Policy: Strategies and Compliance' In Stokke, Hovi and Ulfstein (eds), Implementing the Climate Regime: International Compliance. London, Earthscan, 2005, pp. 187-209. This chapter focuses on two specific questions. First, to what extent and how have major oil companies affected the US exit from Kyoto Protocol and the design of national/regional instruments and compliance systems linked to the Kyoto obligations? Second, why have the oil majors chosen such different climate strategies related to the Kyoto Protocol? Global oil companies want to sell as much oil and gas as possible at the highest possible price in the same global market; the business opportunities and challenges offered by the problem of climate change would thus apparently be the same for ExxonMobil, BP and Shell. Thus we would expect that their different strategies would have to be explained by other differences, such as their internal structures or political contexts. Identifying sources of these different strategies may provide knowledge as to whether and how corporate resistance to a viable climate policy can be overcome. Andresen, Steinar and Jørgen Wettestad 'Case Studies of the Effectiveness of International Environmental Regimes: Balancing Textbook Ideals and Feasibility Concerns' In Underdal, A. and O.R. Young (eds), Regime Consequences - Methodological Challenges and Research Strategies. Dordrecht, Kluwer, 2004, pp. 49-71. This article deals with the principle challenges of case study research on the effectiveness of international environmental regimes related to such issues as case selection, causation, data-gathering, regime-linkages and qualitative versus quantitative approaches. The main section of this article is a chronological journey through seven projects dealing with various aspects of regime effectiveness, relating experiences to the principal methodological issues and challenges. A central conclusion is that most often there is a trade-off between textbook ideals and feasibility concerns to be made. But by careful deliberation of theoretical and methodological challenges in the early project phase, combined with an open discussion of the concessions to feasibility, the final trade-off may still produce both interesting and reliable results. Sugiyama, Taishi, Kristian Tangen, Henrik Hasselknippe, Axel Michaelowa, John Drexhage, Jiahua Pan, Jonathan Sinton, and Arild Moe Where to Next? Future Steps of the Global Climate Regime Briefing paper presented at the 10th Conference of the Parties to the UN Climate Convention, Buenos Aires, 16 December 2004. > Download full-text version In the long run, a lasting global climate solution will include three elements: (1) a cap-and-trade scheme; (2) an agreement for technology development; and (3) an assistance package for developing countries. However, there can be many different ways to reach these goals, and the views on their feasibility and effectiveness are divided. One way is to continue the efforts started at Kyoto and to broaden and deepen the current absolute, binding caps. Several ideas to envisage this path are debated. This approach assumes that countries have the necessary political will and that international agreements have the teeth necessary to make real change. Another way to get there is to create an "enabling environment" for a cap-and-trade regime through technology and development cooperation. Even if effectively implemented, emissions trading alone will not be sufficient to achieve radical emission cuts. Emissions trading may also be politically unacceptable in some countries, particularly in the short term. Be it ex ante or ex post to a cap-and-trade regime, transfer and deployment of technologies will be critical. This could also mean that countries not yet ready to commit themselves to binding targets can become active participants in the climate regime through reframing of climate issues to embed them in countries' other national priorities. Such developments could be a more effective way of ensuring that the climate regime will be economically and environmentally effective in the long run. Hasselknippe, Henrik Global Climate Change: Special Responsibilities for Oil Producing Nations? FNI Report 21/2004. Lysaker, FNI, 2004, 33 p. What are the possibilities for introducing special responsibilities under international climate change policy for oil producing nations? The study is divided into four main parts: section 1 presents an overview of the impacts of global climate change, in terms of impacts on the Earth's climatic cycles, biodiversity and human health, as well as expected financial losses. Section 2 discusses the approaches used in the international climate change debate so far, with special attention paid to ethical dimensions governing the agreements on targets for the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and actions required to minimise adverse impacts from global climatic change. Section 3 takes a closer look at the responsibilities of oil producing nations in the field of international climate change policy, with discussions on the consequences of introducing multilateral restrictions on global oil production. Finally, section 4 presents some options for actions that can be taken unilaterally by industrialised countries, hereunder some of the major oil producers, to aid the transition towards a less carbon intensive global economy. Special attention is paid to the use of CDM as a mechanism for resource transfer from industrialised to developing countries. A specific proposal for a private-public Norwegian climate investment fund is presented, arguing for the targeted use of proceeds from the Norwegian Petroleumfund in order to introduce clean energy technologies in the developing world. The study was commissioned by the Norwegian Church Aid (Kirkens Nødhjelp). Skjærseth, Jon Birger, Kristian Tangen, Philip Swanson, Atle Christer Christiansen, Arild Moe and Leiv Lunde Limits to Corporate Social Responsibility: A Comparative Study of Four Major Oil Companies FNI Report 7/2004. Lysaker, FNI, 2004, 26 p. > Download full-text version (PDF) Transnational enterprises, and the major oil companies in particular, have long suffered from a rather unpleasant public image. Since the mid-1990s, a growing number of studies have questioned whether oil industry investments are a force for good in developing countries. The main objective of this article is to examine and discuss the response of oil companies to this emerging and widening challenge to business, focusing on the four ‘majors’: ExxonMobil, Shell, BP, and TotalFinaElf. Drawing on business environmental management perspectives and theories of domestic politics, two key questions are addressed: How have companies dealt with calls for wider corporate social responsibility? What can explain differences in response between companies? In addition, we briefly discuss the dilemmas companies are facing defining the limits of their responsibility. The case studies indicate significant variations among the companies, particularly at the rhetorical level, but also in terms of what they do and how they do it. These differences can be explained by a combination of company-specific features and different home-base countries. Nevertheless, even the most ‘progressive’ companies run into difficulties in setting the borders or limits to corporate social responsibility, e.g. how companies should relate to interference in what has traditionally been seen as the domestic affairs of host countries. More specifically this involves transparent reporting, the so-called ‘paradox of plenty’ and investments/disinvestments in areas with poverty and unrest. Stokke, Olav Schram 'Trade Measures and Climate Compliance: Interplay Between WTO and the Marrakesh Accords' International Environmental Agreements, Vol 4, No 4, 2004, pp. 339-357. This article examines the potential of trade measures to induce more climate-friendly policies, focusing on the relationship between global trade rules and the Kyoto climate regime. At the core of this interplay is the normative consistency of trade-related rules in the two regimes and any hierarchical relationship between them. The stronger clout of the WTO and its compulsory dispute settlement system suggest that issues involving competing claims would be referred to WTO bodies. Such bodies have so far been restrictive regarding the exceptions in WTO agreements to the general ban on embargoes and discrimination. The normative compatibility of the two regimes will also depend on their participatory interplay, specifically how they differentiate groups of actors as to rights and obligations. Non-members of WTO receive the least protection, and their vulnerability to climate-related trade measures is largely determined by their interdependence with states that consider employment of such measures. Among WTO members, the findings of a dispute settlement body would presumably differ depending on the status of the target under the Kyoto Protocol. A non-complier with Kyoto commitments would be more shielded than a non-party, because by joining the Kyoto regime a non-complier has exposed itself to regime-internal and less trade intrusive measures that should be exhausted first. A third dimension of interplay is linkage, or efforts to influence the regime interplay. To date there has only been moderate cross-agency coordination, but considerable attention is paid within each regime, including in the Millennium Round of trade negotiations, to the desirability of avoiding conflict between them. Gulbrandsen, Lars H. and Steinar Andresen 'NGO Influence in the Implementation of the Kyoto Protocol: Compliance, Flexibility Mechanisms and Sinks' Global Environmental Politics, Vol 4, No 4, 2004, pp. 54-75. > Download fulltext version (PDF) While most scholars agree that NGOs make a difference in global environmental politics, there has been little systematic work that looks at the actual influence NGOs have on policy outcomes. This paper looks to shed some new light on the question of NGO effectiveness through an evaluation of the role played by NGOs in climate negotiations. We begin with a brief sketch of different kinds of green NGOs, along with a review of the sorts of strategies and resources they employ. Next, we look to gauge the influence that NGOs have had on recent rounds of negotiations to do with compliance, flexibility mechanisms, and appropriate crediting rules for sinks. Our analysis is based on detailed interviews with members of some of the most prominent environmental NGOs involved in climate work. Finally, we suggest, based on our findings, some means by which NGOs may look to extend their influence in the development of the climate regime. Our analysis points to the crucial need for further “insider” capacity—that is, NGOs are likely to have the most far-reaching influence on future climate negotiations if they foster ways to work closely and collaboratively with key negotiators and governments. Hovi, Jon, Tora Skodvin and Andresen, Steinar 'The Persistence of the Kyoto Protocol: Why Other Annex I Countries Move on Without the US' Global Environmental Politics, Vol 3, No 4, 2003, pp. 1-24. > Download fulltext version (PDF) The United States, the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, is not going to ratify the Kyoto Protocol (KP) for the foreseeable future. Yet most other countries have decided to remain on the Kyoto track. Four main explanations for this seeming puzzle is discussed. The first is that the other countries still think the KP will lead to substantial cuts in emissions and that this will outweigh the costs of implementation. Secondly, by implementing the treaty, parties hope that others will follow suit later on. Thirdly, EU climate institutions have created a momentum that has made it difficult to change course. Finally, the KP persistence may be linked to the ambition of the EU to stand forth as a leader in the game. While the two first explanations are discarded, the two latter ones seem more promising. Rosendal, Kristin and Steinar Andresen UNEP's Role in Enhancing Problem-Solving Capacity in Multilateral Environmental Agreements: Co-ordination and Assistance in the Biodiversity Conservation Cluster FNI Report 10/2003. Lysaker, FNI, 2004, 29 p. This report examines co-ordination and turf struggles in the relationship between regimes and UN organisations within the field of biological diversity. The UN Environmental Programme (UNEP) represents the most central organisation with a view to these co-ordination efforts, not least with a view to its role in initiating and shaping international negotiations within environmental issue areas. In order to approach this question and shed light on the broader range of issues pertaining to implementation and co-ordination efforts, we look into both arena- and actor related functions of UNEP. Analytically, we address the scope for UNEP in enhancing concern and a contractual environment among negotiating parties. We add to the analytical framework some of the main preconditions or dimensions affecting the problem solving capacity of an organisation: Role and position in the UN system, financial state, geographical location, and bureaucratic culture. First, we look into the role of UNEP in the formation of the CBD. Second, we examine how these dimensions have been played out in the relationship between UNEP and various MEAs within the biodiversity conservation cluster This will shed some light on the widely different judgements of UNEP's role by contrasting its actual accomplishments with its poor preconditions. Stokke, Olav Schram and Øystein B.Thommessen Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development 2003/2004 (English version) London, Earthscan Publications, 2003, 352 p. > Read the Yearbook's evaluation articles The Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development aims to demonstrate the international community’s position on specific environment and development problems, the main obstacles to effective international solutions, and how to overcome them. It assesses the achievements and the shortcomings of international co-operation, and helps the reader to distinguish between rhetoric and reality. The Yearbook combines independent, high-quality analysis with updated reference material. The latter presents the facts, the former an informed evaluation of the results achieved through international collaboration within a particular agreement, organization, or process. The 2003/2004 edition has a Foreword by Ian Johnson, World Bank Vice President for Sustainable Development, and the following Current Issues and Key Themes:   Franchising Global Governance: Making Sense of the Johannesburg Type II Partnerships (Liliana B. Andonova and Marc A. Levy);   Protecting the Baltic Sea: The Helsinki Convention and National Interests (Björn Hassler);   FAO and the Management of Plant Genetic Resources (Regine Andersen);   Analysing the ECE Water Convention: What Lessons for the Regional Management of Transboundary Water Resources? (Patricia Wouters and Sergei Vinogradov);   The External Environmental Policy of the European Union (John Vogler);   Stemming the Tide: Third World Network and Global Governance (Graham K. Brown). The reference section contains new systematically listed key data and illustrations concerning the most important international agreements, Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs), including UN specialized agencies, and International Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). The presentations are based on updated information from the organizations in question and other sources. Skjærseth, Jon Birger Major Oil Companies in Climate Policy: Strategies and Compliance FNI Report 3/2003. Lysaker, FNI, 2003, 23 p. This report looks at the climate strategies of major oil companies with a specific view on compliance and compliance systems at national, regional and international levels. Major European and US oil companies in alliance with other industries have affected compliance systems in different ways. ExxonMobil and the US fossil fuel lobby have contributed to defeat any mandatory climate commitments in the US and consequently any compliance systems linked to mandatory obligations. The fossil fuel industry has used a wide range of startegies to achieve their goal – including legal threats, media pressure directed at politicians, political donations and exploiting a number of studies showing the negative economic consequences of the Kyoto Protocol in the US. These efforts fit well with coercion as the mechanism whereby influence has been exercised. On the other side of the Atlantic, BP and Shell increasingly in alliance with other industries have chosen a significantly different strategy. These companies have influences compliance systems by voluntarily setting an example for a proactive climate startegy. BP and Shell have taken the lead in adopting and developing GHG emission targets, reporting and verification routines, and in-house emissions trading systems. As such, these companies have served as models for other companies as well as for compliance systems in the UK and the EU, by means of unilateral action. Skjærseth, Jon Birger and Tora Skodvin Climate Change and the Oil Industry: Common Problem, Varying Strategies. Hardback edition. Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2003, 246 p. This book presents a detailed study of the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil. The powerful and influential oil industry earns its livelihood from oil, gas and coal - the main sources of emissions of greenhouse gases - and will face essentially the same challenges by regulatory measures to curb GHG emissions. Still, there are striking differences in their strategies: ExxonMobil has chosen a reactive strategy, Shell has chosen a proactive strategy, wheras Statoil's climate strategy can be placed somewhere in between. Variation in companies' climate strategies is explained at three decision-making levels: within the companies themselves, in the national home-bases of the companies and at the international level. Against this backdrop, the book developes an analytical framework that is also relevant for studying corporate actors in other issue-areas. Three 'models', that all shed light on the sources of corporate strategy choice and their consequences, are presented: (1) The Corporate Actor (CA) model holds that companies choose different strategies because the companies themselves are different. This model draws on the business environmental management literature; (2) The Domestic Politics (DP) model holds that companies choose different strategies because of different-home base countries in which the companies have their histrotical roots, located their headquarters and main activities. This model draws on theories of domestic policy and state-industry relationships; (3) The International Regime (IR) model takes us from domestic to international politics, and is based on the assumption that the key sources of corporate strategies are found within the context of international regimes. Climate change is a global problem, partly caused by global corporations and dealt with within the framework of international institutions. This model draws on theories of international regimes and their effectiveness. The analysis of these models is based on in depth interviews with decision-makers representing governments, the oil industry and the green movement in Europe and the US. Stokke, Olav Schram Trade Measures, WTO, and Climate Compliance: The Interplay of International Regimes FNI Report 5/2003. Lysaker, FNI, 2003, 19 p. This report examines how the potential of trade measures to induce more climate-friendly policies is affected by three aspects of interplay between the global trade rules and the Kyoto climate regime: (1) The normative compatibility of trade-related rules of the two regimes is likely to be settled by trade- rather than climate-regime bodies, and the former have so far tended to interpret narrowly the exceptions to the general ban on embargoes and discrimination. (2) Such compatibility depend upon the participatory interplay of the two regimes, especially how they differentiate groups of actors with regard to the rights and obligations they enjoy under the two regimes when seen in conjunction. Non-members of WTO receive the least protection, and their vulnerability will largely be determined by their interdependence relationships, economic and political, with the prospective enforcers. The findings of a dispute settlement body would presumably differ depending on the status of the target under the Kyoto Protocol. A non-complier with Kyoto commitments would be more shielded than a non-party because the latter would find it more difficult to reject the enforcer's argument that it has exhausted the range of reasonably available and less trade-intrusive measures. (3) As to linkage, or efforts to influence the regime interplay, there is only moderate cross-agency coordination but considerable attention within each regime, including in the Millennium Round of trade negotiations, to the desirability of avoiding conflict between them. Gulbrandsen, Lars H. 'FNs konferansediplomati om miljø og utvikling. Fra normdannelse til handlingslammelse?' ('UN Conference Diplomacy on Environment and Development. From Initiation to Inaction?') Internasjonal politikk, Vol 61, No 1, 2003, pp. 3-28. In Norwegian. > Download full-text version (PDF) This article identifies the development, effects and usefulness of UN global conferences on sustainable development, with a particular focus on the world summits in Stockholm (1972), Rio (1992) and Johannesburg (2002). It is argued that the global conference diplomacy has contributed to agenda setting and greater awareness, the integration of non-governmental actors in international environmental and development politics, and the adoption of new norms, principles and standards, as well as international and domestic capacity building. Based on the experiences from Johannesburg, negative effects of the conference diplomacy are also discussed, including renegotiations and backsliding, re-circulation of commitments, a fragmented agenda and lack of co-ordination, counterproductive issue-linkages, and inefficient use of time and resources. The lack of progress on several issues in Johannesburg may indicate that the conference diplomacy is more effective in the agenda setting phase than in the implementation phase. Andersen, Regine 'The Time Dimension in International Regime Interplay' Global Environmental Politics, Vol 2, No 3, 2002, pp. 98-117. > Download full-text version (PDF) Interplay between different international agreements is a novel field of study in regime theory. The importance of understanding this interplay is increasing, due to the rising number of international agreements with overlapping functional scopes. By including the time dimension in the study of regime interplay, perspectives are opened up, which may provide a better grasp of the dynamics of regime development. Three propositions are suggested in the article on how different development stages of overlapping international regimes affect their interplay. The propositions are illustrated with the case of overlapping regimes pertaining to the management of plant genetic resources for food and agriculture. The regimes are the Convention on Biological Diversity, the Agreement on Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights and the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture. The case study shows that an analytic grasp of the time dimension might uncover barriers to regime formation, as well as strategic opportunities. Stokke, Olav Schram and Øystein B.Thommessen Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development 2002/2003 (English version) London, Earthscan Publications, 2002, 334 p. > Read the Yearbook's evaluation articles The Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development aims to demonstrate the international community’s position on specific environment and development problems, the main obstacles to effective international solutions, and how to overcome them. It assesses the achievements and the shortcomings of international co-operation, and helps the reader to distinguish between rhetoric and reality. The Yearbook combines independent, high-quality analysis with updated reference material. The latter presents the facts, the former an informed evaluation of the results achieved through international collaboration within a particular agreement, organization, or process. The 2002/2003 edition has a Foreword by Dr Gro Harlem Brundtland, Director-General of the World Health Organization, and the following Current Issues and Key Themes:   The Johannesburg Summit and Sustainable Development: How Effective Are Environmental Mega-Conferences? (Gill Seyfang and Andrew Jordan);   The Global Climate Change Regime: Taking Stock and Looking Ahead (Benito Müller);   Environmental Protection in the South Pacific: The Effectiveness of SPREP and its Conventions (Richard Herr);   The Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty: A Ten-Year Review (Davor Vidas);   The Ramsar Convention on Wetlands: Has it Made a Difference? (Michael Bowman);   Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) (Keith Suter). The reference section contains new systematically listed key data and illustrations concerning the most important international agreements, Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs), including UN specialized agencies, and International Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). The presenta-tions are based on updated information from the organizations in question and other sources. Stokke, Olav Schram and Øystein B. Thommessen Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development 2001/2002 (Chinese version) Beijing, China, Environmental Science Press, 2002, 480 p. The Chinese version is an updated version of the Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development 2001/2002, see general description above. This edition has prefaces by Dr Gro Harlem Brundtland, General-Director of the World Health Organization, Dr Xie Zhenhua, Minister of the State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) of China, and Borge Brende, Norwegian Minister of the Environment. Among the Current Issues and Key Themes for this edition are:   Global Environmental Governance: UN Fragmentation and Co-ordination (Steinar Andresen, Fridtjof Nansen Institute);   ISO Environmental Standards: Industry’s Gift to a Polluted Globe or the Developed World’s Competition-Killing Strategy? (Jennifer Clapp, Trent University);   The 1999 Multi-Pollutant Protocol: A Neglected Break-Through in Solving Europe’s Air Pollution Problems? (Jørgen Wettestad, Fridtjof Nansen Institute);   The United Nations Fish Stocks Agreement (Lawrence Juda, University of Rhode Island);   The World Bank: A Lighter Shade of Green? (David Hunter, Center for International Environmental Law - CIEL). Andresen, Steinar and Shardul Agrawala 'Leaders, Laggards and Pushers in the Making of the Climate Regime' Global Environmental Change, Vol 12, No 1, 2002, pp. 41-51. The article identifies four forms of leadership, intellectual, instrumemental, power-based and directional. Next, theoretical claims about the dominance of particular forms of leadership at particular stages of regime formation are empirically tested by examining the agenda-setting and negotiation phases of the climate regime. The analysis tends to support the theoretical claims that intellectual ladership is particularly prominent during agenda-setting. Evidence to support the influence of entrepreneurial leadership during negotiations is mixed at best for the climate regime. Structural or power-based leadership meanwhile was largely absent during the agenda-setting of the climate regime, but has been in clear evidence through the negotiations of the Climate Convention and the Kyoto Protocol. Skjærseth, Jon Birger and Tora Skodvin 'Climate Change and the Oil Industry: Common Problems, Different Strategies' Global Environmental Politics, Vol 1, No 4, 2001, pp. 43-64. > Download fulltext version (PDF) The primary focus of most academic climate policy studies has been the robustness of climate science and the development of international negotiations and institutions, in which states, and sometimes societies, have been pinpointed as the key players. Systematic comparative studies of multinational and even global non-governmental actors have been in short supply. This research lacuna is particularly glaring since the position of a major non-state actor - the oil industry - may be crucial to the viability of the climate regime. This analysis shows firstly that there are striking differences in the ways European-based and US-based oil companies have responded to the climate issue - here represented by the Royal Dutch/Shell Group and ExxonMobil. Secondly, the analysis suggests that one major source of explanation to this difference is found in the national political contexts of the companies' home-base countries. The importance of national political context implies that the conditions for changing oil companies` climate strategies are likely to be located in the political context rather than in the companies themselves. Miles, Edward, Arild Underdal, Steinar Andresen, Jørgen Wettestad, Jon B. Skjærseth and Elaine Carlin Environmental Regime Effectiveness: Confronting Theory with Evidence Cambridge (MA) and London (UK), MIT Press, 2001, 508 p. One key question within political science is whether international regimes have an independent effect or whether they are merely a reflex of underlying power structures. Within this joint international project we discussed this question in relation to 15 international regimes, all of them within the issue area of the environment apart from one control regime. As we broke the regimes up in various components and time phases, altogether we had more than 30 units of analysis. Here are some of the main conclusions: First, most environmental regimes do succeed in changing actor behaviour in the direction intended. Second, even strongly malign problems can be solved effectively, although there are exceptions. Third, most regimes tend to grow and become more effective as they develop. There are also indications that more recent regimes are more effective than older regimes, compared at the same time of their life cycles. Five, deliberate institutional engineering is possible under certain circumstances. As for the bad news, first, although there are progress, there is substantial room for improvements. Second., some improvements are also essentially due to fortunate circumstances. Third, problems characterised by high malignancy and poor knowledge are very difficult to deal effectively with. Fourth, although political engineering is possible it will most often be a difficult exercise. Finally, even though soft factors like knowledge and organisational arrangements may make a difference, in dealing with highly malign problems, power seems to be a critical asset. Wettestad, Jørgen 'Designing Effective Environmental Regimes: The Conditional Keys Global Governance,Vol 7, No 3, 2001, pp. 317-341. This article discusses the impact of institutional design on regime effectiveness. Four more specific institutional factors are selected for further scrutiny: access and participation procedures; decision-making rules; the organization of the science-politics interface; and verification and compliance mechanisms. Case study evidence from the North Sea, acid rain and ozone-layer regimes indicates that effective institutional design is a matter of flexible fine-tuning of institutions to fundamental problem characteristics; the phase of regime development; and the type of processes at hand. Agrawala, Shardul and Steinar Andresen (Guest Editors) National Climate Policies: Evolution, Drivers and Future Prospects Energy and Environment, Special Issue, Vol 12, Nos 2&3, 2001, pp. i-xi, 107-252. This issue of Energy and Environment is a special issue, with Shardul Agrawala (International Research Institute for Climate Prediction, Columbia University) and Steinar Andresen (Fridtjof Nansen Institute, Lysaker, Norway) as guest editors. Along with several other contributors they focus on the climate policy of the European Union, the United States, Russia, China, Japan, Canada and India. These are the top seven CO2 emitters, and they also carry the most political clout within the climate negotiations. Agrawala, Shardul and Steinar Andresen 'Two Level Games and the Future of the Climate Regime' (Editorial) Energy and Environment, Vol 12, Nos 2&3, 2001, pp. v-xi. In this editorial to the special issue, the future of the climate regime is discussed, taking the interests and policies of these seven key actors as a point of departure. The perspecticve applied is the two-level game: how the interaction between the international level and domestic makes it difficult to adopt ambitious policies - and even more difficult to implement them. Not much can be expected in terms of climate policy initiatives from the US, given the domestic political realities. To a large extent the same goes for Canada and Japan. China and India can be expected to resist taking on specific commitments in the near future. The one actor among the seven that can be expected to stand forth as a leader is the EU. It appears the EU has the willingness to take on such a role, but it is more uncertain whether it also has the ability and necessary credibility, as a number of EU countries are not even close to meeting their Kyoto targets. All in all, there are not many happy compliers of the Kyoto targets. The authors will argue that a renegotiation of the targets may be the only realistic option. The key parties at the reconvened CoP 6 in Bonn chose a different strategy: They watered down the Kyoto commitments. In reality the two strategies are not very different in substance, but the cosmetics differ. Skjærseth, Jon Birger and Tora Skodvin 'Shell Houston, We Have a Climate Problem!' Global Environmental Change, Vol 11, No 2, 2001, pp. 103-106. In this article, the authors ask three questions: First, how different are the climate strategies of the oil companies; secondly, why do they choose different strategies, and thirdly; what are the consequences for international climate policy? They find that there are striking differences in the climate strategies of major American and European oil companies, here represented by Shell and ExxonMobil. ExxonMobil has chosen a reactive strategy, while Shell has chosen a proactive strategy. These differences are, however, more visible in their public profiles than in their current operations. Explaining the differences between Shell and ExxonMobil is both complex and uncertain. However, the different political environments in which these companies operate appear more important than differences between the companies themselves. Opposite climate strategies among major oil companies can contribute to changes in climate policy in both Europe and the US. Agrawala, Shardul and Steinar Andresen 'US Climate Policy: Evolution and Future Prospects' Energy and Environment, Vol 12, Nos 2&3, 2001, pp. 117-138. US scientists were in the very forefront in analyzing the climate problem in the 1950s and 1960s. When the issue hit the international political agenda with full force by the end of the 1980s, however, on the political front the US was a very cautious actor. High costs and scientific uncertainty were stressed by the republican Administration. With the new Democratic Administration (1992-2000) US climate policy was gradually getting more in line with other OECD countries. But there was a deep split between the Administration and Congress, where the latter insisted on 'meaningful developing country participation' before any ratification would be considered. The new Bush Administration has rejected the Kyoto Protocol and is seen as a main blocking force against effective international action. How to explain the development of US climate policy? This article attempts to explain through the US governance structure, micro politics of liberal and conservative interests, industry and environment interest groups, executive branch micro politics, the role of ideologues, and national culture and undercurrents. Especially the governance structure and the role of ideologues (from Chief of Staff J Sununu to Vice President Al Gore) have been important. As to the future, although the Kyoto Protocol may be dead in the US, this dos not mean that climate politics is also dead, as some measures are underway and can be expected to continue. Emissions may also be somewhat reduced as a result of factors unrelated to climate politcs, if the economic downswing continues. But it is highly unlikely that there will be a major shift in the balance of power between anti- and pro-emission reduction interests within the Bush White House. Andresen, Steinar 'Global Environmental Governance: UN Fragmentation and Co-ordination' In Stokke and Thommessen (eds), Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development 2001/2002. London, Earthscan, 2001, pp. 19-26. > Download full-text version (PDF) There has been a tremendous growth in multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) over the last two decades. More recently there has been a call for better co-ordination between these agreements, with a key role attributed to the UN. In contrast to popular opinion it argued that institutional UN amendments cannot be expected to make much of a difference it terms of actual problem-solving as other factors are more important. Still, the issue is important both analytically and politically. It is furthermore argued that it is not self-evident that the UN should be involved in 'all' MEAs, alternatives outside the UN also have some merits. Therefore a concentration of resources may be necessary. Finally, a formalised top-down approach to co-ordination is probably neither feasible nor the best approach to choose. Andresen, Steinar, Tora Skodvin, Arild Underdal and Jørgen Wettestad Science and Politics in International Environmental Regimes. Between Integrity and Involvement Manchester University Press, 2000, 221 p. The relationship between science and politics is nowhere clearer than in matters of the environment. However, as shown in this volume, science and politics are very different systems of activities, and the relationship between them can be uneasy and even precarious. This collaborative volume, the culmination of years of research, addresses the issue of why some attempts at solving or alleviating international environmental problems 'succeed' while others fail. The volume combines analytical work with case studies covering several topical issues: whaling, air polution, the ozone layer, climate change and landbased sea pollution. It will be invaluable for all researchers of both environmental and international politics. Wettestad, Jørgen Designing Effective Environmental Regimes: The Key Conditions Cheltenham (UK), Edward Elgar Publishing, 1999, 261 p. This book carries out systematic, comparative research on the impact of varying regime design within the issue areas of marine pollution, acid rain, ozone layer depletion and global climate change. Are international regimes established to solve environmental problems operating and designed as effectively as possible? Should for instance access to decision-processes be inclusive or exclusive in terms of non-governmental watchdogs? Similar choices and dilemmas exist with regard to decision-making rules (consensus versus majority voting), the role of the secretariat (stagehand vs. entrepreneurial actor), the structuring of the agenda (comprehensive vs. narrow), the organization of the science-politics interface (emphasis on scientific integrity vs. political involvement), and the design of verification and compliance mechanisms (intrusive vs. non-intrusive; the use of sticks vs. carrots). A key finding is that designing effective regimes is primarily a matter of flexible combinations of the various institutional possibilities. The case evidence suggests three main conditional keys to locating the more specific institutional optimum balancing point in specific cases: problem characteristics; phases; and process types - the three P’s. Tostensen, Arne, Regine Andersen, Inger Nordal. Norwegian Research Support to Developing Countries: The Cases of Uganda and Zimbabwe Oslo, Norges Forskningsråd, 1998, 118 pp. The aim of this report is to provide NORAD with a better basis for decisions regarding research support to the two countries. The structure of the research sector, the various research organisations as well as NORAD supported projects are described and assessed. Emphasis is put on relevance of the research topics with regard to the developmental priorities in the country, the procedures for quality control, institutional and financial aspects as well as capacity for handling donor support. Recommendations are proposed regarding the general direction of and channels for support as well as priorities for NORAD with to selection of organisations for support considerations. 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