Home  About FNI  Research  Publications  Staff  News & events  Contact		FNI PUBLICATION SUMMARIES Polar and Russian Politics Stokke, Olav Schram 'Environmental Security in the Arctic: The Case for Multi-Level Governance' International Journal, Vol 64, No 4, 2011, pp. 835-848. > Download article Despite the rapid regional changes associated with global warming, the environmental security of the Arctic is satisfactory. Three stabilizers explain this situation. Economically, substantial continuity characterizes the conditions which so far have limited the accessibility and commercial viability of Arctic resources and navigation routes. Politically, the Arctic states have relatively few unsettled maritime boundary issues, and they manage the remaining ones in a cooperative manner. Legally, a globally accepted legal framework exists for governing the economic use of the region. That framework is based on customary international law as codified in the United Nations Law of the Sea Convention and is capable of responding flexibly to new challenges emanating from increasing economic activities. Regulatory dynamism is called for, but regional means such as the Arctic Council have only partial roles to play in strengthening the system for governing regional activities – what the Arctic needs is multilevel governance. This finding has implications for the question of wider involvement of non-Arctic states in Council work. Provision of effective and legitimate governance is the best basis for ensuring continued environmental security in the Arctic. Hønneland, Geir Arktiske utfordringer ('Arctic Challenges') Kristiansand, Høyskoleforlaget, 2012, 139 p. In Norwegian. > For orders, contact Høyskoleforlaget The Arctic has heatend up, in different ways. The ice is melting and scientists are uncertain about how this will affect the Arctic ecosystems. At the same time, the Arctic is the object of heated political discussion: Who shall extract the oil when the ice disappears? How are marine delimitation lines established? Who will control the new sea routes that are opening up? Who actually owns the Arctic? The book provides a balanced introduction to the most important challenges in the Arctic, with a particular focus on the environment, natural resources and energy. It also presents the political institutions that have been set up to coordinate international relations in the region, within the frameworks of international law. Korppoo, Anna, and Olga Gassan-zade Dangers of the Endgame: Engaging Russia and Ukraine during the Gap FNI Climate Policy Perspectives 2. Lysaker, FNI, 2011, 8 p. > Download full-text version (PDF) In the absence of functional carbon market opportunities, the approaching gap in the international climate regime beyond 2012 is likely to alienate the major transition economy emitters Russia and Ukraine from the potential future climate regime. The new carbon market mechanisms currently under negotiation remain too underdeveloped and uncertain to provide incentives for Russia and Ukraine to remain actively engaged. Further, experiences with carbon market mechanisms thus far illustrate many weaknesses in the administrative and political systems of these countries which discourage their involvement in complex future mechanisms. In the absence of post-2012 carbon market options it seems likely that Ukraine will attempt to preserve its carbon market capacity by establishing a domestic ETS – however, without external involvement and prospects of demand, this may not be successful. Given Moscow’s negative attitude towards further Kyoto commitments, it would be easy for Russia to interpret a gap as a broken promise: the surplus of AAUs and the Kyoto mechanisms are considered as a right that Russia was promised in Kyoto in 1997. Given the functionality of Joint Implementation (JI), its extension seems the most feasible option for engaging Russia and Ukraine in the international climate regime immediately post-2012. However, various politically difficult questions remain as to the JISC recommendation to base ERU issuance on the first commitment period AAUs. Regardless of the problems and frustrations experienced with JI and GIS during the first commitment period, engaging Russia and Ukraine in the climate regime through the continuation of JI would probably provide the least-effort option for the future. Allowing domestic carbon-market capacities to disintegrate during the gap years would probably lead to serious problems when the support of these countries is sought for the future climate regime, due not least to Russia’s confrontational approach to international climate diplomacy. Jensen, Leif Christian 'Norwegian petroleum extraction in Arctic waters to save the environment: introducing ‘discourse co-optation’ as a new analytical term' Critical Discourse Studies, Vol 9, No 1, 2012, pp. 29-38. > Purchase the original article In this article, the term discourse co-optation is introduced based on a socially oriented discourse analysis of the Norwegian petroleum debate concerning petroleum extraction in the Barents Sea. The introduction of the term is based on empirical findings from two different studies of public discourse through four Norwegian newspapers published between 2000 and 2006. Discourse co-optation describes how one discourse ‘burrows into the heart’ of a counter-discourse, turns its logic upside down and it is put to work to re-establish hegemony and re-gain political support. One discourse is strengthened by the addition of a new, powerful argument; the other is weakened almost to the same degree. Moe, Arild, Daniel Fjærtoft and Indra Øverland 'Space and Timing: 'Why was the Barents Sea Delimitation Dispute Resolved in 2010?' Polar Geography, Vol 34, No 3, 2011, pp. 145-162 > Purchase the original article An explanation of the timing of the 2010 agreement resolving the marine delimitation dispute between Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea must be sought mainly on the Russian side. Russia's willingness to compromise on the spatial disagreement between the two countries at this specific juncture was not,as sometimes assumed, driven by a thirst for the energy resources in the formerly disputed area, but instead by broader Russian foreign policy considerations. These include a general effort to reduce the risk of conflicts with neighboring states by clearing away as many territorial disputes as possible, the intention to improve Russia's image as a rule-abiding player on the international arena, and interest in strengthening the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea as the framework for Arctic governance. Fauchald, Ole Kristian 'Regulatory Frameworks for Maritime Transport in the Arctic: Will a Polar Code Contribute to Resolve Conflicting Interests?' In John Grue and Roy H. Gabrielsen (eds), Marine Transport in the High North. Oslo, Novus Forlag, 2011, pp. 73-91. > Download entire book (PDF) This chapter discusses the ability of Norway as a coastal state to regulate maritime transport in the Arctic in light of the major interests associated with such transportation. As a coastal state heavily dependent on marine resources, Norway has significant interests in protecting the environment against damages from maritime accidents and pollution from maritime transport activities. But Norway does also promote other interests. As an important flag state, Norway defends the freedom of navigation. As a country with an open economy depending on international trade, Norway has a strong interest in cost effective maritime transportation.This chapter first discusses Norwegian jurisdiction under the current international regime in the Arctic. Thereafter follows an assessment of how Norway’s regulatory jurisdiction may be affected by negotiation and adoption of a binding Polar Code. The final part of the contribution considers how Norway can ensure an appropriate balance of the interests should the negotiations of a Polar Code fail to provide appropriate results within a reasonable time frame. Skedsmo, Pål Wilter Evaluering av samarbeidet mellom LO og FNPR 2001-2010 ('Evaluation of Co-operation Between LO and FNPR 2001-2010') FNI Report 05/2011. Lysaker, FNI, 2011, 33 p. In Norwegian. > Download full-text version (PDF) > Read related news article This evaluation report summarizes findings and provides recommendations for future co-operation between The Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions (LO) and the Federation of Independent Russian Trade Unions (FNPR). The projects have been supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs since 1992. Throughout the evaluation period (2001-2010), LO has received approximately 215 000 Euro from the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The co-operation between Norwegian and Russian trade unions is based on a principle of equality and a Norwegian wish to contribute to the readjustment among Russian trade unions navigating in a market economy. Approximately 200 different seminars and projects focusing on a broad range of issues, such as gender equality, social partnership and member recruitment have been carried out. Mechanisms to ensure that lessons learned at the seminars are integrated into regular work have not been sufficiently developed. It is recommended that the co-operation maintains focus on the trade union movement in the Barents region; that projects are developed with long term goals in mind; and that lessons learned are integrated into regular work to a greater degree on the Russian side. Moe, Arild 'Energeticheskie strategii Rossii i Norvegii v Barentsevom more' ('Russian and Norwegian Energy Strategies in the Barents Sea') In N.A. Simoniya (ed), Arktika - Interesy Rossii: Energetika, Ekologiya. Moscow, EkoPolitika, 2011, pp. 71-104. In Russian. Norway and Russia are both moving petroleum activities into the Barents Sea. The Norwegian activities have been characterized by an industry eager to participate, but ready to withdraw in adverse commercial conditions, and authorities supporting enterprise, whilst imposing strong restrictions. Russia still does not have a coherent policy for offshore development. The prioritization of state goals is unresolved, and the division of functions between state organs and state companies unclear. Private and foreign interests are kept at arm’s length. There is still great uncertainty regarding the timing and pace of development,as well as the development concepts involved. The relationship between Russia and Norway in the energy sphere has been peaceful and cooperative,despite the jurisdictional dispute in the Barents Sea. The delimitation agreement improves the atmosphere further, and means that a promising area could be opened for petroleum activities and possibly joint exploration of deposits crossing the new boundary line. This is a translated and slightly revised version of the article 'Russian and Norwegian Petroleum Strategies in the Barents Sea' published in Arctic Review on Law and Politics, Vol 1, No 2, 2010, pp. 225-248. Stokke, Olav Schram 'Interplay Management, Niche Selection, and Arctic Environmental Governance' In Sebastian Oberthür and Olav Schram Stokke (eds), Managing Institutional Complexity: Regime Interplay and Global Environmental Change. Cambridge (USA), MIT Press, 2011, pp. 143-170. > More information about the book at the publisher's website The framework developed in this chapter for analyzing interplay management in institutional complexes delineates four governance niches and helps to identify conditions for occupying them effectively - that is, in a way that supports overall problem solving. Applying the notion of institutional niches to four cases of Arctic environmental governance helps to identify distinctive features that can equip an institution particularly well for conducting the related tasks. I first link the notion of institutional niches to certain general tasks of governance: building knowledge, creating norms, enhancing capacity, and enforcing compliance. The four areas of Arctic governance in focus are transboundary air pollution, marine contamination, hazardous waste treatment, and fisheries management. Kvello, Jon Sigurd Sjursen Tillit i samarbeidsrelasjoner: En casestudie av tre norsk-russiske samarbeidsprosjekter ('Trust in Cooperative Relationships: A Case Study of Three Norwegian-Russian Cooperative Projects') FNI Report 06/2011. Lysaker, FNI, 2011, 89 p. In Norwegian. > Download full-text version (PDF) Trust as a prerequisite and catalyst for cooperation has gained much scholarly attention in the past three decades. This report seeks to analyze drivers for, and obstacles to, successful project cooperation through applied theories of trust as an analytical tool. The report studies the operational level of three Norwegian-Russian cooperation projects from the environmental and health spheres, using interviews with project participants as empirical data. The findings imply that socio-cultural factors are important in building and maintaining trust among the project participants, which in turn is essential for successful cooperation. In connection with this, shared identities and discourses seem to be of imporance as a common ground for building trust relationships. Jensen, Leif Christian, Øystein Jensen and Svein Vigeland Rottem 'Norwegian Foreign Policy in the High North: Energy, International Law and Security' Atlantisch Perspectief, Vol 35, No 3, 2011, pp. 15-19. > Download entire journal This short article portrays and discusses the perceived main challenges facing Norway in the European Arctic in the short- and middle-long term. The analysis is based on official Norwegian documents and statements, which we let represent 'Norwegian perceptions'. We apply a discursive perspective to the challenges and issues facing the Norwegian government in the European Arctic. We identify three main issue areas which function as nodal points for the official Norwegian discourse. These are: Resource and environmental management, low tension and law of the sea, preserve and protect sovereignty. Our aim is to shed light on the Norwegian reality, including perceptions of challenges, opportunities and priorities in the European Arctic. We assume these perspectives on a Norwegian reality will be seen as interesting and relevant to hold up against "French perceptions" or perhaps even "European perceptions" - if there is such a thing as a European perception - of this rich, (still) ice-covered wasteland on top of the world. Jensen, Leif Christian and Geir Hønneland 'Framing the High North: Public Discourses in Norway after 2000' Acta Borealia, Vol 8, No 1, 2011, pp. 37-54. > Purchase the original article here or download the post-print version here The article presents an overview of the main public debates in Norway that can be said to have framed and defined the High North since the turn of the millennium. It is based on a qualitative study of over 3000 articles published in four Norwegian newspapers issued between 2000 and 2006. Our discussion is structured around three overarching, interconnected narratives we think capture the essence of the Norwegian public discourses on the High North between 2000 and 2006. These are Fragments from the 1990s; The great narrative of the High North; and Mixing cold water with hot blood: The first half of the 2000s is characterised by an almost total absence of the High North as a discursive and politically coherent concept. From 2004, however, usage grew fivefold, alongside an extensive, dynamic discursive mobilisation. When the Russians decided in 2006 to shelve the Shtokman project and critical voices were heard condemning Norway¡¦s environmental performance in northwest Russia, public opinion swung back again. A feeling of cold reality replaced the sense of optimism towards the energy potential of the north, and an exercise in collective soul-searching commenced ƒ{ similar to that of the early years of the decade. We believe the type of discursive change we document in this article constitutes policy trends both in connection with the High North and other sectors where policy is subject to intense public debate and appraisal. Hønneland, Geir 'Kompromiss als Routine: Russisch-Norwegische Konfliktlösung in der Barentssee' ('Compromise as Routine: Russian-Norwegian Conflict Resolution in the Barents Sea') In 'Logbuch Arktis', Osteuropa, Vol 61, Nos 2-3, 2011, pp. 257-269. In German. > Download article > Purchase entire journal The article discusses whether Norway's and Russia's 'bargaining experience' in the Barents Sea might have furthered the conclusion of the 2010 delimitation agreement between the two countries. Leaning on institutional theory about how bureaucratic procedures evolve into standard operating procedures, I ask whether the continuous bargaining between Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea over fisheries management and the protection of the marine environment might have accustomed the parties to reaching agreement. Is there evidence that entering compromises has become the ‘standard operating procedure’, even when the parties’ principal positions do not conform? Hønneland, Geir 'East-West Collaboration in the European North: Structures and Perceptions' International Journal, Vol 65, No 4, 2010, pp. 837-850. > Download article Since the end of the Cold War, a flourishing network of collaboration has grown up between Russia and neighbouring Nordic countries in the European North. The Barents Euro-Arctic Region (BEAR) was established in 1993 by several North European states and regional administrative entities in Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. Its aim is to promote relations across the old East-West divide in the European North, and enable joint projects in a number of areas, including trade and industry, student exchange and indigenous issues. In addition, Russia and the Nordic countries are pursuing various bilateral schemes focused on a particular problem or challenge in the North. One of them is the Joint Norwegian-Russian Fisheries Commission, which manages the valuable fish resources in the Barents Sea. In various bilateral and multilateral partnerships, Western states are working to address the environmental problems on the Kola Peninsula. This article gives a brief overview of these cooperative arrangements and Russian perceptions of them. Moe, Arild 'Russian and Norwegian Petroleum Strategies in the Barents Sea' Arctic Review on Law and Politics, Vol 1, No 2, 2010, pp. 225-248. > Download full-text post-print version Norway and Russia are both moving petroleum activities into the Barents Sea. The Norwegian activities have been characterized by an industry eager to participate, but ready to withdraw in adverse commercial conditions, and authorities supporting enterprise, whilst imposing strong restrictions. Russia still does not have a coherent policy for offshore development. The prioritization of state goals is unresolved, and the division of functions between state organs and state companies unclear. Private and foreign interests are kept at arm’s length. There is still great uncertainty regarding the timing and pace of development,as well as the development concepts involved. The relationship between Russia and Norway in the energy sphere has been peaceful and cooperative,despite the jurisdictional dispute in the Barents Sea. The delimitation agreement improves the atmosphere further, and means that a promising area could be opened for petroleum activities and possibly joint exploration of deposits crossing the new boundary line. This article has also been published in Russian, in a slightly revised version. Stokke, Olav Schram 'Barents Sea Fisheries: The IUU Struggle' Arctic Review on Law and Politics, Vol 1, No 2, 2010, pp. 207-224. > Download full-text post-print version Considerable fishing operations occur in the European part of the Arctic Ocean, especially in waters under Norwegian and Russian jurisdiction, and regional states have recently made important advances in combating illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing. During the 2000s, illegal harvesting of Northeast Arctic cod reached levels that jeopardized stock sustainability and coastal-state quota restraint, shifted wealth from legal fishers to cheaters, and promoted corrupt practices in production and distribution chains. A strengthening of various port-state measures appears promising for combating illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing in the region. Such measures have evolved from unilateral refusal to allow landing of fish taken outside international quota arrangements to a multilateral Scheme of Control and Enforcement under the North-East Atlantic Fisheries Commission (NEAFC). Skedsmo, Pål Wilter Russisk sivilsamfunn og norske hjelpere ('Russian Civil Society and its Norwegian Benefactors') Trondheim, Tapir Academic Press, 2010, 100 p. In Norwegian. > For orders, contact Tapir Academic Press or download information sheet After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Norwegian support to the emerging Russian civil society has been quite extensive. Norwegian organisations have especially been involved in projects in the Russian part of the Barents region. Many Russian environmental and human rights organisations depend heavily on its foreign donors and partners, and faces resistance at home. This book discusses the rationale behind supporting Russian civil society and how various Norwegian financed projects have developed. Do these projects lead to the empowerment and independence sought for among its Russian partners, or in fact a kind of dependency? The book also discusses how the relationships between Russian civil society and Russian authorities have developed in a setting where foreign funded organisations quite often are accused of promoting foreign interests. Given this context the book also discusses whether and in what form continued Norwegian support for Russian civil society might be developed. Jørgensen, Jørgen Holten Russisk svalbardpolitikk: Svalbard sett fra den andre siden ('Russian Politics on Spitsbergen: Spitsbergen Seen from the Other Side') Trondheim, Tapir Academic Press, 2010, 100 p. In Norwegian. > For orders, contact Tapir Academic Press or download information sheet In no other places do Norway and Russia meet so closely and intensely as on Spitsbergen. A Russian community under Norwegian jurisdiction is indeed one of the peculiar characters of Svalbard, offering particular challenges for both sides. Russia has for long had a significant presence on Spitsbergen, and the mining town of Barentsburg is for the Russians more than just a curious reminder of the Soviet past. Despite its geographical location far up in the Arctic Ocean, Spitsbergen is a place where high politics and international law issues still are under debate. Do Norwegian environment regulations violate the free and unhindered access principles set by the Spitsbergen Treaty? Who has the jurisdiction to arrest Russian trawlers in the Fishery Protection Zone? These questions are understood differently in Russia than in Norway, which is reflected in Russia's politics on the archipelago. As opposed to most other books on Spitsbergen, this book takes as a point of departure the Russian view on Spitsbergen and aims at exploring the political and economic factors that justify the Russian presence on Spitsbergen and in the surrounding waters, with and emphasis on the period after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Moe, Arild and Øystein Jensen Opening of New Arctic Shipping Routes Standard Briefing. Brussels, Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union, European Parliament, 2010, 16p. > Download full report Neither the Northwest nor the Northeast Passage has so far become important in international shipping. Nevertheless, the prospects should be re-assessed in light of new circumstances in the Arctic, especially the changing ice situation which makes it possible to envisage a future with drastically increased shipping activity. This paper argues, however, that developments on the two sea routes in question today are not straight forward. In the case of the Northwest Passage, ice problems are expected to remain a major limiting factor for many years and the Canadian authorities are not actively promoting international usage of the route, something which is partly related to legal controversies over the status of the passage. In the case of the Northeast Passage, Russia actively advertises its Northern Sea Route, seeing rapidly improving ice conditions. However, the commercial conditions remain uncertain and necessary investments in icebreakers and infrastructure are so far missing. The Northern Sea Route may, besides its regional usage, especially in the western part, have the potential for limited transits in the most favourable season. The Russian vision of year-round transit traffic seems quite unrealistic within the perspective of this decade. Moe, Arild 'Russisk rulett' ('Russian Roulette') In Arbo, Peter and Bjørn Hersoug (eds), Oljevirksomhetens inntog i nord: Næringsutvikling, politikk og samfunn. Oslo, Gyldendal Akademisk, 2010, pp. 282-304. In Norwegian. > For more information and orders, see Gyldendal's website The Russian part of the Barents sea is considered a very promising petroleum region and several important discoveries have been made. The exploration activity has nevertheless been limited and announced licensing rounds have not been implemented. Thus there is no offshore production in this ocean yet. The article reviews and explains developments by discussing the interests of the Russian industry, weaknesses in the regulatory framework and overall priorities. In the last few years Arctic offshore has gained a much more prominent position among Russian energy policy goals, but contradictions with other goals limit the effectiveness of offshore policies. Particular attention is given to the Prirazlomnoye oil project which has met many problems and the prospects for realisation of the Shtokman gas project - and its implications for Norway. Jensen, Leif Christian 'Norsk oljeboring for å hjelpe miljøet: Diskurskooptering som nytt analytisk begrep' ('Norwegian Oil Drilling to Help the Environment: Introducing "Discourse Cooptation" as a New Analytical Term'). Norsk Statsvitenskapelig Tidsskrift, Vol 26, No 3, 2010, pp. 185-203. In Norwegian. > Purchase the original article here or download the post-print version here In this article, the term «discourse-cooptation» is introduced based on an empiric phenomenon discovered in a discourse analysis of the Norwegian petroleum debate concerning petroleum extraction in the Barents Sea. The phenomenon in question is how a discourse [drilling for the environment] in a discursive battle enters the core of the opposing discourse [no to drilling], turning its logic on its head into a core component of its own make up. One discourse is left with a new powerful component, while the other seems proportionally weakened, not unlike the logic in a classic zero-sum game: The «aggressive» discourse is not only strengthened in absolute terms, it has gained relative to the other. The article draws on cooptation in general and cooptive processes in Norway more specifically to present the following definition: Discourse cooptation describes how a discourse enters the core of another discourse in a discursive battle, turns its logic on its head, which creates a new line of reasoning, and contributes to reestablishing hegemony and political support. Røland, Tonje Hulbak Associated Petroleum Gas in Russia: Reasons for Non-utilization FNI Report 13/2010. Lysaker, FNI, 2010, 53 p. > Download full-text version (PDF) This report studies the factors hindering increased utilization of associated petroleum gas (APG) in Russia. The issue of flaring versus utilization is studied from a Technology Innovation System (TIS) perspective, seeing the non-utilization issue as a problem of technology diffusion. There are many technological options available for APG utilization, but a main blocking mechanism in the Russian case is the Gazprom monopoly on gas transportation via their pipelines. A commonly discussed solution is policy to ensure third party access, but this study finds that this solution holds little potential, as its ramifications are too extensive and unacceptable to the key actor Gazprom. More promising solutions may be found in small, emerging engineering companies. Hønneland, Geir Borderland Russians: Identity, Narrative and International Relations Basingstoke/New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, 184 p. > For orders, contact Palgrave Macmillan > See related FNI News article > See book review in Polar Record The book discusses some of the big questions in social science: What is identity? How is it narrated by subjects? What is the role of identity and narrative in the study of international relations? The location is the Kola Peninsula, the most heavily militarized area of the world during the Cold War, now set to become Europe's next big oil playground. The author looks at how living close to the border affects people, and whether borderland people are different from other people. Above all, he asks empirical questions about identities in a specific geographic location, discussing what it means to be Russian, what it means to be a northerner and how people in Russia's north-western corner define themselves in relation to their Scandinavian neighbours and their southern relatives. This is a book about the nature of borderland Russians - living in the high north, hailing from the south, with Western neighbours within throwing distance across an increasingly permeable border. Skagestad, Odd Gunnar The 'High North': An Elastic Concept in Norwegian Arctic Policy FNI Report 10/2010. Lysaker, FNI, 2010, 22 p. > Download full-text version (PDF) The term High North is a fairly recent addition to the vocabulary of systematic academic discourse. It was introduced as the English synonym for the Norwegian term nordområdene (i.e. the northern areas) in the mid 1980s, but not adopted as the official language of Norwegian authorities until the beginning of the 21st century. This paper seeks to explore the usage of the term, including its political significance, in the dynamic perspective of developments that have taken place in the course of the past three and a half decades. Tvedt, Morten Walløe 'Patent law and bioprospecting in Antarctica' Polar Record, Vol 47, No 1, 2010, pp. 46-55 > Download full-text article The number of patents and patent applications related to inventions based on biological material from the Antarctic is increasing. Bioprospecting in the Antarctic is happening with no explicit regulation of property rights or benefit sharing requirements. This leaves patent law as the only legal system to establish exclusive rights to genes, bacteria, and other biological material found in the Antarctic. Patent law is general in form and is applied to all areas of invention with very few adaptations to single fields of innovation. Therefore, it is interesting to identify the issues in patent law in cases in which the biological material from the Antarctic is likely to create challenges or loopholes. The aim of this article is to couple the understanding of this particular legal regime and of biological circumstances in the Antarctic with knowledge of the international patent system for the purpose of contributing to the work of the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meetings (ATCMs) regarding bioprospecting in the Antarctic. Rottem, Svein Vigeland 'Klima og sikkerhet i Arktis' ('Climate and Security in the Arctic') Internasjonal Politikk, Vol 68, No 2, 2010, pp. 183-204. In Norwegian. > Purchase full-text article The Arctic and High North are enjoying a renaissance. According to some observers interest in the region’s natural resources could take on a military aspect. As the receding ice cap initiates a run for possession of whatever natural resources lie beneath the Arctic Ocean, will it bring us to the brink of a new Cold War? Will unresolved legal issues and deteriorating foreign relations in the wake of climate change create the conditions for armed conflict rather than diplomatic resolution? In this article, climate change, socio-economic consequences and questions of security are addressed. The purpose is to show that a fruitful analysis of security policy challenges in the north must rest on an insight into the international legal framework on which co-existence in the region rests, the variability in climate change projections, socio-economic challenges and opportunities and a sober realpolitik analysis. The article concludes that a description of the situation as «an armed mad dash for resources» seems rather overdrawn. Jensen, Leif Christian and Pål Wilter Skedsmo 'Approaching the North: Norwegian and Russian Foreign Policy Discourses on the European Arctic' Polar Research, Vol 29, 2010, pp. 439-450. > Purchase full-text article The aim of this article is to identify Norwegian and Russian official foreign policy discourses on the European Arctic, and how perceived challenges are understood, framed and presented by the governments in their respective countries. The article makes use of discourse analysis to grasp how the Norwegian "High North" strategy is framed by the Norwegian government and, likewise, how the Russian approach to the European Arctic is framed by the Russian government. The empirical foundation is a study of primary texts such as white papers, official reports, speeches and strategies. We find that the Norwegian approach to the High North features in a powerful official discourse resulting from a robust and broad domestic discursive mobilization. The Russian approach is that of an increasingly assertive nation for which the zero-sum game and relative gains seem to be the main rationale, judging by the official discourse. The Russian approach is not as coherent or based on a broad discursive mobilization as in Norway's case. However, as the countries have some important common frames of references, a favourable climate for extended future cooperation could be further developed. Rowe, Lars and Geir Hønneland 'Norge og Russland: Tilbake til normaltilstanden' ('Norway and Russia: Back to Normality') Nordisk Østforum, Vol 24, No 2, 2010, pp. 133-147. In Norwegian. > Purchase the original article here or download the post-print version here The Norwegian-Russian relationship from the time of the Soviet collapse in 1991 to the present is discussed in this article. It is argued, in a historical perspective, that the 1990s must be understood as an anomaly or, alternatively, a state of emergency. With the post-Soviet economy in ruins, previously unthinkable opportunities began to open up. It is asserted that this state of emergency has now come to an end. Assisted by soaring petroleum prices, President Vladimir Putin was able to lead his country out of the transitional misery and towards what he, and the average Russian, would perceive as Russia’s rightful place in international politics. Although this is a well-known fact, it is evident that some sectors of the Norwegian public and foreign aid establishment are still stuck in the 1990s in their perception of Russia. We therefore recommend that all projects involving Norwegian aid to Russian recipients be terminated. Hønneland, Geir and Lars Rowe 'Hva er nordområdepolitikk? Utfordringer innenrikspolitisk, i nærområdene og globalt' ('High North Politics: What Is It? Domestic, Regional and Global Challenges') Plan, No 2, 2010, pp. 10-15. In Norwegian. > Purchase the original article here or or download the post-print version here This article examines the developing meaning of the term "Nordområdepolitikk" ("High North politics"), a catchphrase of recent Norwegian politics. The term was not widely used in the early 2000s, and then only in a security policy context. A few years later, the term was used everywhere, related to topics as diverse as environmental monitoring, culture, bioprospecting and education. But foreign policy always looms in the background. Moe, Arild and Valery Kryukov 'Oil Exploration in Russia: Prospects for Reforming a Crucial Sector' Eurasian Geography and Economics, Vol 51, No 3, 2010, pp. 312-329. > Access full-text version here (subscribers only) The article analyses Russia’s policy response to developments in its mineral resources base (often perceived as an exploration crisis), with a focus on oil. The authors review and discuss trends in exploration (including its organization and efficiency), recent developments in its financing, and the reorganization of exploration activity. The evolution of Russia’s licensing system is presented, drawing attention to changes that have affected incentives, risks, and barriers to potential resource users, both Russian and foreign. Also identified are conflicts between the objectives of resource managers and broader political goals and interests. Jensen, Leif Christian, Øystein Jensen and Svein Vigeland Rottem 'Sitting on Top of the World: The Arctic Seen through Norwegian Lenses' In Viviane du Castel (ed), Le Grand Nord: Un nouvel enjeu trés courtisé. L'exemple de la mer de Barents, Norvége. Paris, L'Harmattan, 2010, pp. 19-30. > For more information and orders, see L'Harmattan's website The chapter portrays and discusses the perceived main challenges facing Norway in the European Arctic in the short- and middle-long term. The analysis is based on official Norwegian documents and statements, which we let represent 'Norwegian perceptions'. We apply a discursive, Foucauldian perspective to the challenges and issues facing the Norwegian government in the European Arctic. We identify three main issue areas which function as nodal points for the official Norwegian discourse. These are: Resource and environmental management, low tension and law of the sea, preserve and protect sovereignty. Our aim is to shed light on the Norwegian reality, including perceptions of challenges, opportunities and priorities in the European Arctic. We assume these perspectives on a Norwegian reality will be seen as interesting and relevant to hold up against "French perceptions" or perhaps even "European perceptions" - if there is such a thing as a European perception - of this rich, (still) ice-covered wasteland on top of the world. Offerdal, Kristine 'Arctic Energy in EU Policy: Arbitrary Interest in the Norwegian High North' Arctic, Vol 63, No 1, 2010, pp. 30-42. > Download full-text version In challenging times for European energy security, the European Union (EU) is seeking to extend its energy policy powers. At the same time, with its message that the High North represents diversification away from less stable energy regions, Norway is trying to get attention in Brussels. This article inquires into the place of Norway and its Arctic oil and gas in the processes of developing an Energy Policy for Europe and the Northern Dimension Initiative. Central questions to be addressed are whether Norwegian Arctic areas are emerging as a new energy region to rely on for diversified oil and gas imports for the European Union, and whether Norway, as a small state but a major energy exporter with a considerable part of the Barents Sea shelf, is able to take advantage of this position in its diplomatic relations with Brussels. The study shows that Norway has managed to use its Arctic oil and gas to create awareness of the Norwegian High North in Brussels between 2006 and 2008, but these efforts have not resulted in more active political interest on the part of the EU. A combination of institutional confusion in the EU, lack of coherence and clarity in the Norwegian High North initiative, and Norway’s established reputation as an energy supplier place important constraints on the prospects for more concrete political attention from the EU, and thus on Norway’s ability to take advantage of its High North oil and gas in a foreign policy context. Hønneland, Geir and Lars Rowe Nordområdene – hva nå? ('The High North – What Now?') Trondheim, Tapir Academic Press, 2010, 151 p. In Norwegian. > For orders, contact Tapir Academic Press or download information sheet There has been an increase in political attention to the High North since the turn of the millennium - globally, regionally in northern Europe and in internal Norwegian politics. This book gives an overview of current Norwegian politics in the High North, with an emphasis on the institutionalized collaboration with Russia as well as legal and geopolitical challenges in the Barents Sea region. The authors discuss whether a global race for the Arctic is indeed taking place, and they discuss the limits of what should count as High North politics in internal Norwegian affairs. They also ask some challenging questions about Norwegian financial support to Russia. Jensen, Øystein and Svein Vigeland Rottem 'The Politics of Security and International Law in Norway's Arctic Waters' Polar Record, Vol 46, 2010, pp. 75-83. > Download full-text version (PDF) Security policy challenges in the high north should be approached both as an insight into the international legal framework on which co-existence in the region rests and as a sober realpolitik analysis. Against this background, the objective of this article is to paint a more balanced picture of security policy options in Norway's Arctic waters, rather than observing contemporary general discourse on the topic might suggest. Management of marine resources, delimitation of unresolved maritime boundaries and relations with Russia in the northern maritime areas are used as examples to substantiate our main thesis which is that dispassionate diplomacy is more likely to resolve disputes than is military confrontation. Johansen, Roger Russland - En elefant i glassmagasinet? Russiske gassrelasjoner med Ukraina ('Russia - an Elephant in the China Shop? Russian Gas Relations with Ukraine') FNI Report 12/2009. Lysaker, FNI, 2009, 84 p. In Norwegian. > Download full-text version (PDF) This report looks into the question of whether Russia uses gas as a means of solving political conflicts in its bilateral relations with Ukraine. The report explores both gas relations and central political conflicts between the two countries. All relations are followed from the end of 1991 to the beginning of 2009. Neoclassical realism and complex interdependence are used to separate political and economic motives. The main part of the empirical material supports complex interdependence and the contention that Russia struggles to keep the gas sector and political conflicts separated. Ukraine has throughout the period been heavily indebted partly as a consequence of excess consumption of gas which the country has had problems paying for. Gazprom has clearly had an economic incentive to demand payment for this gas. However, due to Ukraine's position as a transit country for the bulk of Russian gas export, Russia has been very vulnerable. In instances when supplies to Ukraine have been reduced, Ukraine has compensated by diverting some volumes intended for Europe, which again has led to financial loss for Russia, and a dent in the image of Russia as a reliable gas provider for Europe. This vulnerability can explain why Russia has used much time and effort on negotiations and compromises with Ukraine within the gas sector during the period considered in this report. Stokke, Olav Schram, 'Protecting the Arctic Environment: The Interplay of Global and Regional Regimes' The Yearbook of Polar Law, Vol 1, 2009, pp. 349-370. > For more information and orders, see Brill's website What is the best division of labour between Arctic environmental institutions and the broader institutions whose spatial ambits include but exceed the Arctic? The article examines this question by narrowing in on the interplay of international institutions, especially on how such interplay may influence regime effectiveness. In focus are such salient regional and broader institutions in Arctic environmental governance as the Arctic Council and the global oceans regime based on the United Nations Law of the Sea Convention, and the interplay between regional and global regimes in five areas of Arctic environmental governance: climate change, inflows of hazardous compounds, regional toxics, offshore petroleum activities, and maritime transport. The controversy over the role of Arctic institutions in the overall governance system originates in differing positions on the need for international regulation or on the usefulness of Arctic-level governance as compared to other levels. Functional interdependencies as well as legal and political realities mean that the problem-solving potential of Arctic institutions varies considerably across issue areas - and that point calls into question the wisdom of recent proposals for a comprehensive and legally binding treaty for Arctic environmental protection. Hønneland, Geir 'Cross-Border Cooperation in the North: The Case of Northwest Russia' In Wilson Rowe, Elana (ed), Russia and the North. Ottawa, University of Ottawa Press, 2009, pp. 35-52. > For more information and orders, see University of Ottawa Press The Kola Peninsula in the north-western corner of the Russian Federation was one of the most heavily militarized regions of the world a couple of decades ago, and largely closed to foreigners. Still home to the Russian Northern Fleet, it is assumed that the influence of the military and other power institutions is more significant here than elsewhere in Russia, and that this would reduce the potential for international cooperation. However, the region has since the end of the Cold War been drawn into a network of international collaboration of a civilian nature with its Nordic neighbors. This chapter gives a brief overview of the BEAR partnership and the bilateral cooperation between Russia and Norway on fisheries management and environmental protection, including nuclear safety, in the Barents Sea region. The latter section also touches briefly upon multilateral initiatives for nuclear safety on the Kola Peninsula. Towards the end of the chapter the implications of political developments and changing priorities on the Russian side are discussed. Jørgensen, Anne-Kristin 'Recent Developments in the Russian Fisheries Sector' In Wilson Rowe, Elana (ed), Russia and the North. Ottawa, University of Ottawa Press, 2009, pp. 87-106. > For more information and orders, see University of Ottawa Press In the course of the last decade and a half, the Russian fisheries sector has earned a reputation as being inefficient, criminalized and unreformable. Fundamental disagreements among decision makers on how the sector should be managed have frustrated all attempts to create a stable legal and institutional framework for the fisheries, despite a general consensus that stability and predictability are crucial factors if the current stagnation is to be overcome. In the chapter it is argued that the sector has been caught in a 'vicious cycle of reform': A number of major reorginazations since the early 1990s, aimed at improving the sector's performance, have instead resulted in a gradual loss of valuable expertise. Moreover, the continuous changes in the legal and institutional framework have caused business actors to focus on short-term rather than long-term gains, resulting in, inter alia, a very low investment rate and widespread poaching and overfishing. However, over the last couple of years the Russian political leadership has given increasing attention to the problems in the fisheries sector, and some progress has been made, particularly in the field of law-making. Moe, Arild and Elana Wilson Rowe 'Northern Offshore Oil and Gas Resources: Policy Challenges and Approaches' In Wilson Rowe, Elana (ed), Russia and the North. Ottawa, University of Ottawa Press, 2009, pp. 107-128. > For more information and orders, see University of Ottawa Press The aim of this chapter is to assess the place of offshore petroleum development in the context of overall Russian energy priorities and to examine the evolution of offshore policy and strategy at both the federal and company (Gazprom and Rosneft) levels. The chapter first reviews some key developments in Russian energy policy since 2005 before examining Russian governmental offshore policy development. The offshore strategies of the two companies likely to play a prominent role in Russian offshore development, Rosneft and Gazprom, as well as the interactions thus far between these two companies are then outlined. In tracing the often troubled and halting evolution of federal policy and practice, the question of the extent to which the strategic importance assigned to offshore petroleum reserves is translating into coordinated, strategic action and long-term policy thinking is raised and discussed in the concluding section. Rottem, Svein Vigeland Hva forsvarer Norge? Det norske forsvarets møte med en ny virkelighet ('What is Norway Defending? The Norwegian Defence'e Encounter With a New Reality') Doctoral dissertation, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tromsø. Tromsø, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tromsø, 2009, 193 p. > Read related FNI news release The dissertation is mainly empirically based, and seeks to understand Norwegian defence and security policies in the period 1999-2006. This was a period when the Norwegian defence was re-dimensioned for a new reality and where we witnessed its transformation from a mobilization-based defence into a relatively proactive Norwegian military. The dissertation analyzes three overarching approaches to recent Norwegian defence and security policies: Defence of ideals, (NATO) alliance obligations and Defence of territorial sovereignty and sovereign rights. Offerdal, Kristine 'The European Arctic in US Foreign Energy Policy: The Case of the Norwegian High North' Polar Record, Vol 45, 2009, pp. 59-72. > Download full-text version (PDF) or access it here on the website of the copyright holder Cambridge University Press (subscribers only) The article examines how US policy makers relate ot the European Arctic as an oil and gas region. The "high north" is defined as the Norwegian and Russian sectors of the Barents Sea. The Norwegian assumption that northern oil and gas is of interest to the international community is tested by analysing and explaining the character of the US approach, with an assessment of whether Norway has succeeded in influencing how the USA views the high north as an energy region. Norway has managed to raise the awareness of the high north as an energy region in Washington, but the interest in the topic has been moderate. Moreover, Norwegian policy makers in the first phase of the high north initiative have misinterpreted US officials' definition of the situation in which Washington's foreign energy policy is developed. Ironically, Norway's "exemplary" energy policy has led to less response than was initially expected, whereas Russia seems to be of significantly greater interest for the USA. With its relatively small resource potential, straightforward investment climate and unclear hight north strategy, Norway and its high north do not stand out as very interesting to the USA, which tends to direct more attention to cases in which its oil and gas companies work under more uncertain investment framework conditions in regions with huge energy resources. Aasjord, Bente and Geir Hønneland 'Hvem kan telle "den fisk under vann"? Kunnskapsstrid i russisk havforskning' ('Who Can Count "the Fish under Water"? Knowledge Dispute in Russian Ocean Research') Nordisk Østforum, Vol 22, No 4, 2008, pp. 289-312. In Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF version (provided by NUPI) The Russian federal ocean research institute VNIRO has recently introduced new models for estimation of fish stocks. Among these are the so-called GIS and Synoptical methods, which both indicate a significantly larger amount of Northeast Atlantic cod than the current assessments by the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (ICES). While ICES’ methods are based on scientific surveys, the new Russian methods build on catch data from the fishing fleet. So far, ICES has not found the scientific basis of the proposed alternatives strong enough to reject the current method. This scepticism is shared by the leading Norwegian and Russian scientific institutes involved in the assessment of the Barents Sea cod. The article discusses three possible driving forces behind the Russian promotion of the new methods. First, there are knowledge-based driving forces: There are obvious margins of error in ICES’ current methods, and the new Russian methods offer an alternative approach. Second, there are political ones: ICES has introduced the precautionary approach to tackle the scientific uncertainty to the benefit of the fish stocks, but this approach seems to enjoy little legitimacy in Russian fisheries circles, being perceived as introduced by the West to support specific Western interests. Third, there are economically based explanations: There are obvious incentives for Russian fishers to give priority to short-term gain, and actors in the Russian fisheries bureaucracy likewise have incentives to support this strategy. Rowe, Lars 'Det brysomme nikkelverket' ('The Troublesome Nickel Plant') Fortid, Vol 5, No 4, 2008, pp. 23-28. In Norwegian. > Download entire journal (PDF) When the Norwegian-Soviet Environmental Commision was established in 1988, one immediate concern was the pollution stemming from the nickel plant in Pechenga in Murmansk county, Northwest Russia. Although situated on the Russian side of the border, the pollution from this industry has been labelled "Norway's biggest environmental problem". Several projects, under the auspices of the commission, have since been developed to limit the pollution - none of which succeded. This article describes three comprehensive programmes for limitation of the pollution, and discusses why none of them were brought to fruition. It also briefly describes some differences in the Russian and Norwegian approach to environmental issues. Moe, Arild 'The Russian Barents Sea: Openings for Norway?' In Gottemoeller, R. and R. Tamnes (eds), High North: High Stakes. Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, pp. 75-85. > For more information and orders, see Fagbokforlaget For many years, the prospects for developing the hydrocarbon resources on the continental shelf in the Russian part of the Barents Sea have attracted interest not only in Russia but also in neighbouring Norway. Substantial discoveries have been made and expectations of further discoveries are big and well founded, but considerable exploration must be carried out to establish a more certain picture of reserves. Two projects are under development: the giant Shtokman gas field and the Prirazlomnoye oil field. Current Russian shipping and offshore capacity is clearly inadequate for an expansive offshore development programme, however. The goal of rapid development of the Arctic con¬tinental shelf relying mainly on domestic equipment and services does not seem attainable. Russia will either have to accept more foreign involvement, or scale down its offshore ambitions. Hønneland, Geir and Lars Rowe Fra svarte skyer til helleristninger: Norsk-russisk miljøvernsamarbeid gjennom 20 år ('From Dark Skies to Rock Carvings: 20 Years of Norwegian-Russian Environmental Cooperation') Trondheim, Tapir Academic Press, 2008, 186 p. In Norwegian. > For orders, contact Tapir Academic Press > Read related FNI news release The topic of this book is the history of the first twenty years of cooperation within the framework of the Joint Norwegian-Soviet/Russian Environmental Commission. Established in 1988, the Norwegian-Soviet commission was an important first step towards solving some of the shared environmental problems in the border area. The most prominent issue has been the pollution channeled through the smokestacks at the nickel plant in Petchenga, but the commission has also dealt with other areas of interest, most notably nuclear waste on the Kola Peninsula and in the Barents Sea, biodiversity, preservation of cultural heritage sites and cleansing of industrial activity. In part I of this book, the authors review the establishment and development of the commission in light of the general political development, where the breakdown of the Soviet Union and Russia's post-Soviet challenges are important factors. Part II is devoted to in depth analysis of the issue of industrial pollution in the border area, the cooperation on radioactive safety, the close border-collaboration, the preservation of shared cultural heritage sites, biodiversity and marine and terrestrial environment. Skedsmo, Pål Wilter Evaluering av støtteordningen 'Demokratimidlene' ('Evaluation of the 'Democracy Funds'') FNI Report 8/2008. Lysaker, FNI, 2008, 51 p. In Norwegian > Download full-text version (PDF) In this report, the findings from the evaluation of the Democracy Funds are presented. This financial support mechanism is administered and managed by The Norwegian Children and Youth Council (LNU by its Norwegian acronym) and financed by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Democracy Funds seek to strengthen the role played by children and youth organisations in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus in building up sustainable civil societies, and support co-operation between Norwegian children and youth organisations and their partner organisations in the recipient countries. The support mechanism’s achievements have been evaluated, as well as LNU’s management of the support mechanism. The evaluation period has been 2000-2007. The main empirical source is interviews with participants on both sides in ten selected projects, as well as interviews with representatives from LNU and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Other sources of information have been project documents, guidelines and questionnaires. After examining and evaluating LNU’s management of the Democracy Funds and the extent to which the selected projects have contributed to meeting the objectives of the support mechanism, the report concludes with recommendations and a discussion of the potential for the future development of the Democracy Funds. Moe, Arild and Lars Rowe Petroleum Activity in the Russian Barents Sea: Constraints and Options for Norwegian Offshore and Shipping Companies FNI Report 7/2008. Lysaker, FNI, 2008, 26 p. > Download full-text version (PDF) Presently most attention in the Barents Sea is given to the Shtokman project. Experience from development of this field, where there are still many uncertainties, will have large consequences for the further development program and relations with foreign companies. The exploration activity going on is fairly limited, but over the last few years there has been a struggle over licenses and control over exploration capacity. In the medium term the goal of rapid development of the Arctic continental shelf has become intertwined with a comprehensive government effort to modernise the domestic shipbuilding industry to make it able to cover most of the needs offshore. With the shipbuilding industry in a deep crisis these goals are not fully reconcilable. Russia will either have to accept more foreign involvement, or scale down its offshore ambitions. We believe a combination of the two alternatives is likely. This means that there will still be room for foreign offshore and shipping companies, but that the total amount of activity on the continental shelf will not be as great as stated in official plans. Offerdal, Kristine 'Det norske nordområdeinitiativet og USA: Utenriks- eller energipolitikk?' ('The Norwegian High North Initiative and USA: Foreign or Energy Policy?') Internasjonal Politikk, Vol 66, Nos 2-3, 2008, pp. 349-372. In Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF version (provided by NUPI) This article argues that the High North initiative, with which Norway has been pressing its case in Washington, has exposed internal conflicts of interest within government in Norway that have marked Norway's dealings with the US Departments of State and Energy by ambiguity and inconsistency. Efforts to promote the Barents Sea as an energy province have largely failed to ignite widespread political interest in Washington. The US views few political rewards of an energy or foreign policy nature from strengthening its engagement in the Norwegian High North. The article concludes that Norway's self-image as a reliable, stable energy producer combines with the expectations of Western importing states to constrain opportunities to politicize relations with importing states on energy-related matters. It also argues that while the High North policy has attempted to re-kindle notions of the north as an important region and refashion the old Cold War image of Norway, Russia still seems to be the determinative element in Norway's relations with important allies. Rottem, Svein Vigeland, Geir Hønneland and Leif Christian Jensen Småstat og energistormakt: Norges sikkerhetspolitiske rolle i nord ('Small State and Energy Great Power: Norway's Security-Policy Role in the High North') Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, 136 p. In Norwegian. > For orders, contact Fagbokforlaget Recent years have seen an increase in interest in international relations in the High North. To a larger extent than during the Cold War, security is now seen to include issues of resource extraction, and interest coalitions among states are less stable and transparent. The book discusses the dilemmas that Norway faces related to jurisdiction and enforcement in the Barents Sea region. Applying theories on soft and hard power in international relations, the authors discuss challenges related to foreign fishing activities in the Fisheries Protection Zone around Svalbard, increased petroleum activity in the Barents Sea and oil transport along the Norwegian coast from field further east in Russia. They also discuss coordination challenges between military and civilian authorities, within the Norwegian armed forces and between Norwegian and Russian authorities. Aasjord, Bente and Geir Hønneland Hvem kan telle den fisk under vann? En analyse av aktører og drivkrefter i norsk-russisk fiskeriforskningssamarbeid ('Who Can Count the Fish under Water? An analysis of Actors and Driving Forces in Norwegian-Russian Cooperation on Fisheries Research') HBO-rapport 3/2008. Bodø, Bodø University College, 2008. 76 p, In Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF version (5.1 Mb) The report reviews challenges in the marine fisheries research cooperation between Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea, with an emphasis on various Norwegian and Russian actors' perceptions of alternative models for stock estimation presented by the federal Russian fisheries research institute VNIRO. Among these are the so-called GIS and synoptical methods, which both indicate a significantly larger amount of Northeast Atlantic cod than assessed by the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (ICES). While ICES' current methods are based on catch data from the fishing fleet, the alternative Russian methods build on catch data from the fishing fleet. VNIRO brings forth a number of arguments to the effect that the alternative methods actually underestimate the fish stock, while ICES has not found their scientific basis strong enough to reject the currents methods. This scepticism is shared by the leading Russian and Norwegian scientific institutes involved in the actual assessment of the Barents Sea cod. The report presents three possible driving forces in the Russian promotion of the new methods: knowledge-based, politically based and economically based. Hønneland, Geir 'Kooperation an der Barentssee. Umweltschutz zwischen Russland und Norwegen' ('Cooperation on the Barents Sea: Environmental Protection between Russia and Norway') In 'Grünbuch. Politische Ökologie im Osten Europas', Osteuropa, Vol 58, Nos 4-5, 2008, pp. 447-458. In German. > Download full-text PDF version The main cooperation schemes between Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea region are of a different nature. The most general one is BEAR, which in recent years has concentrated on people-to-people projects and health issues. Environmental protection was one of the most important goals of BEAR in its formative years, but has since largely been left to other institutional arrangements. Arguably the most focused cooperative arrangement, and economically most important, is the Joint Norwegian-Russian Fisheries Commission, which sets annual quotas for some of the fish stocks of the Barents Sea. Not unexpectedly, Russian priority is highest in fisheries management. BEAR is largely left to regional authorities (and as far as finance goes: to the Nordic states), which since the turn of the millennium have lost much of the power they had at the time when this regional collaboration was initiated. Cooperation with Norway on environmental protection is managed by federal authorities, but here the problem is that this policy area enjoys little priority in Russian politics. Rottem, Svein Vigeland 'The Ambivalent Ally: Norway in the New NATO' Contemporary Security Policy, Vol 28, No 3, 2007, pp. 619-638. > Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or access the definitive version here (subscribers only) NATO's future has long been in question, with the core of the debate revolving around America and other great powers. This article finds comparable tensions among smaller members. Examining the case of Norway, it argues that since the Cold War, Norway has lacked a clear mandate for its role in NATO, and as such can be considered an ambivalent ally. This ambivalence is seen when Norway reluctantly follows through on NATO policy. NATO's readiness to act in the High North is also questioned. This article examines Norway's NATO relations in four dimensions, collective defence and collective security, position and values, influence and national priorities, scepticism and reliability. Here realism and constructivsm can provide us with an analytical backdrop to explain Norwegian ambivalence. International power structures create and constrain windows of opportunity for Norway, but national and international norms and identity should not be left out of the the analysis. Norway is entangled in realist policies, but the legacy of neutrality and the perception of Norway as a peaceful nation cannot be ignored. The result of this tension is Norway's unsettled relationship with the new NATO. Skedsmo, Pål 'Demokratisering og miljøkamp på Kolahalvøya' ('Democratisation and Environmentalism on the Kola Peninsula') Norsk Antropologisk Tidsskrift, Vol 18, No 3-4, 2007, pp. 241-252. In Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF version This article focuses on an exercise in democracy, in this case the cooperation between organisations across the Norwegian-Russian border; how cooperation takes place and, more specifically, how it can lead to an unintended patron-client relationship between the Norwegian partner and the Russian NGO called PiM. For PiM, drawing on the story lines and representations of the democratisation discourse appears to be key. Based on fieldwork in Murmansk, this theme is discussed and it is suggested that PiM in practice makes use of the discourse on democratisation in an instrumental rather than ideological manner. This is evident especially in regard to applications for funding and in interaction with foreign actors. When PiM confronts local bureaucrats and experts, the environmentalists appear to be dismissed as fanatics. This process is identified as taking part within an expert discourse, wherein participation is limited to experts only. Hønneland, Geir and Leif Christian Jensen Den nye nordområdepolitikken: Barentsbilder etter årtusenskiftet ('The New Norwegian Politics in the High North: Barents Images after the Turn of the Millennium') Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, 177 p. In Norwegian. > Read related FNI news release > Read book review (in UD-posten No 1, 2008, in Norwegian) > For orders, contact Fagbokforlaget When Jens Stoltenberg's second government came to power in 2005, it declared the High North as a top priority in Norway's foreign policy. It hence confirmed a development that had been underway for a couple of years, which for the first time since the end of the Cold War placed the northern areas on top of the country's foreign policy agenda. The book describes the events from the turn of the millennium up to 2007 and gives an overview of the public debates in which policy-making related to the High North took place. Petroleum developments, fisheries management and protection of the northern marine environment are given particular attention. Rowe, Lars, Geir Hønneland and Arild Moe Evaluering av miljøvernsamarbeidet mellom Norge og Russland ('Evaluation of Norwegian-Russian Environmental Collaboration 1995-2006') FNI Report 7/2007. Lysaker, FNI, 2007. 47 p, In Norwegian > Download full-text version (PDF) This report presents the findings of FNI's evaluation of the Norwegian-Russian collaboration on environmental issues from 1995 to 2006. The central body of this collaboration is the Norwegian-Russian Environmental Commission, established in 1988 (then as the Norwegian-Soviet Environmental Commission) and renewed in 1992. The Commission has developed a number of working areas, of which three have been studied specifically: (i) the cleaner production programme; (ii) the transboundary environmental collaboration; and (iii) the collaboration on cultural heritage. In addition, this evaluation concentrates on two project areas directly under the auspices of the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs: (i) the energy saving programme in Northwest-Russia; and (ii) the bioenergy programme in Russia. The main empirical source has been a number of in-depth interviews with participants on both sides. Additional information has been drawn from written material such as minutes, project reports, propositions to the Norwegian parliament, etc. After an examination of the overarching level of the collaboration and the individual project areas mentioned above, the report briefly discusses potential future developments in the Norwegian-Russian environmental collaboration. Stokke, Olav Schram Nordic Council of Ministers' Arctic Co-operation 2003-2005: An Evaluation / Nordisk Ministerråds Arktiske samarbeid 2003-2005 En evaluering ANP report # 714 (English) and 713 (Norwegian). Copenhagen, Nordic Council of Ministers, 2007. 94 p. In Norwegian and English. > Download full-text version in English (PDF) > Download full-text version in Norwegian (PDF) The Nordic Council of Ministers (NCM) Arctic Co-operation Programme 2003-05 is thematically and geographically inclusive. Among the three main co-operation areas, projects on sustainable development have received roughly twice as much as have each of those on indigenous issues and welfare. All priority areas except Children and Young Adults have been in focus in two or more relatively large project activities. The project activities examined more closely in this study have been competently and seriously implemented. Substantial NCM allocations have supported cross-national competence-building and network development that are often difficult to finance from other sources. The complementarity involved here is valuable, especially if measures are taken within such projects to enhance the likelihood that new insights and networks can serve to generate lasting impacts. The procedure for selecting among project proposals under the Arctic Co-operation Programme, based largely on the Nordic Senior Arctic Officials as members of the NCM Arctic Expert Committee (AEC), works particularly well for proposals linked to circumpolar endeavours under the Arctic Council. It is not well adapted to evaluate research proposals unless those proposals attend directly to recognized policy priorities pursued by AEC members. Sectoral expertise is brought into the evaluation process, especially at national levels. The report makes a number of recommendations with a view to improving intra-NCM coordination on Arctic cooperation, evaluation of project proposals, strategic planning, dissemination of results, and profiling of the NCM in Arctic affairs. Kryukov, Valery and Arild Moe 'Russia's Oil Industry: Risk Aversion in a Risk-Prone Environment' Eurasian Geography and Economics, Vol 48, No 3, 2007, pp. 341-357. > Access the full-text version here (subscribers only) Starting in the late 1990s the performance of the Russian oil industry impressed the world oil market. Since 2004 output has levelled out, however. The article discusses the outlook for the industry in the medium and long term, with a focus on the relationship between the reserve situation and industry interests and strategies. Tendencies in the reserve situation are presented and analysed. Oil industry investment patterns and strategies are identified, and differences and similarities between companies noted. Strategies and lack of incentives inhibit long-term investment in the oil industry – even where financing is available. Explanations offered include internal factors in the companies, as well as framework conditions. Implications for production outlook are drawn. Jensen, Leif Christian 'Petroleum Discourse in the European Arctic: The Norwegian Case' Polar Record, Vol 43, No 3, 2007, pp. 247-254. > Download full-text version (PDF) or access it here on the website of the copyright holder Cambridge University Press (subscribers only) The article addresses old 'west-east discourses' and how they continue to develop in the high north, and, not least, in the Norwegian petroleum debate. Adopting a discourse analytical perspective the author shows how environmental safety is used as an argument in favour of Norway producing oil in the Barents Sea at the earliest possible moment. This is only feasible if a connection is made in the public mind between Russia and the environment. These views, it is argued, stem from ideas about Russia that gained currency after the demise of the Soviet Union. While they perhaps have less to do with Russia's petroleum industry and environmental performance today, they nevertheless have a strong impact on how challenges in the High North and Arctic region are perceived. And, perhaps even more importantly, they define freedom of action and available options. Hønneland, Geir 'Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea: Cooperation and Conflict in Fisheries Management' Russian Analytical Digest, No 20, 2007, pp. 9-11. > Download entire journal The Barents Sea fisheries are managed bilaterally by Norway and Russia. The Joint Norwegian-Russian Fisheries Commission sets quotas for the most important fish stocks in the area which are allocated according to a standard formula. The collaboration between the two countries generally functions well, but has since the late 1990s been plagued by disparity between scientific recommendations and established quotas, and Norwegian claims of Russian overfishing. This article has also been republished in Forschungsstelle Osteuropa Bremen's Arbeitspapiere und Materialien, Vol 97, Nov. 2007. Rottem, Svein Vigeland 'Forsvaret i nord – avskrekking og beroligelse' ('Defence Policy in the High North - Deterrence and Reassurance') Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning, Vol 48, No 1, 2007, pp. 63-91. In Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF version In the political debate on defence and security in Norway, the impression is given that we are seeing radical changes in regard to its aims and means. Without implying that we are not seeing changes, it is suggested that Norwegian defence and security politics can still be described as being somewhere between deterrence and reassurance, similar to during the Cold War. With the help of theories from international politics, the ambition of this article is not to falsify theories, realism and constructivism in this case, in the traditional sense, but to use them as tools to illustrate the relationship between deterrence and reassurance. The empirical main focus is on the northern areas, which are in a unique position in regard to the administration of resources and sovereignty. The data on which this article was based were collected through a triangular approach, with public records, secondary literature and interviews making up the source material. Hønneland, Geir, Jørgen Holten Jørgensen and Arild Moe 'Miljøpersepsjoner i Nordvest-Russland: Problemoppfatninger knyttet til petroleumsutbygging i Barentshavet' ('Environmental Perceptions in North-Western Russia: Perspectives on Petroleum Development in the Barents Sea') Internasjonal Politikk, Vol 65, No 1, 2007, pp. 7-22. In Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF version (provided by NUPI) The article brings the results of an interview investigation about perspectives on petroleum development in the Barents Sea among representatives of the environmental bureaucracy, the petroleum industry, research institutes and environmental NGOs in north-western Russia, St Petersburg and Moscow. The expert opinion and experience from other ocean areas are highly valued in the Russian debate. They indicate that offshore petroleum development may create environmental problems, but that problems are seldom grave. Many interviewees express unwillingness to go into hypothetical discussions about future problems. Some environmental NGOs are more reserved in their enthusiasm than representatives of the bureaucracy, industry and research, but they are not opposed to offshore petroleum development. Instead, they prescribe higher environmental standards and better measures against oil spills. The environmental NGOs in the region can probably raise environmental awareness in case an accident takes place. Rowe, Lars and Geir Hønneland Russlandsbilder: Nye debattinnlegg om naboskap i nordområdene ('Images of Russia: New Contributions to the Debate about Neighbourhood in the High North') Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2007, 114 p. In Norwegian. > Read related FNI news release (in Norwegian) > For more information and orders, contact Fagbokforlaget The book consists of a selection of pictures from the Kola Peninsula and commentary articles about Russian politics and relations between Norway and Russia in the High North, written by FNI researchers and published in Norwegian newspapers over the last few years. The first part of the book is devoted to main trends in Russian politics, with a particular focus on the development of Russian democracy and civil society. The second part contains articles about jurisdiction and fisheries management in the Barents Sea, and the third part commentaries to Russian-Norwegian collaboration in energy, health and environmental regulation. The book reflects the Norwegian debate about Russia in an accessible way and should be of interest both to those who are already involved in cooperation with Russians and those who would like to know more about this part of Norwegian foreign policy in the High North. The book is the first in a series of three books about Norwegian politics in the High North, written by FNI researchers and to be published by Fagbokforlaget during 2007. Hønneland, Geir and Jørgen Holten Jørgensen Moderne russisk politik: En indføring i Ruslands politiske system ('Contemporary Russian Politics: An Introduction to Russia's Political System') Copenhagen, Forlaget Samfundslitteratur, 2007, 168 p. In Danish. > For more information and orders, contact Forlaget Samfundslitteratur This book surveys the political system and bureaucratic apparatus of the Russian Federation. The authors describe the basic features of the Russian Constitution, the major political federal institutions, and the relationship between the federal and the regional authorities. Then follows a chapter on sectors of particular importance for the Nordic countries, including fisheries management, petroleum policy and environmental protection. The media, NGOs, and civil society organizations are also discussed. The volume is well suited as a textbook, especially for students of Russian, political science, East European studies and journalism. It is indispensable for Scandinavians whose work brings them in contact with Russian policies and administration, and who need a deeper understanding of the background to their Russian partners. The book is a revised and updated version of the title published in Norwegian in 2006. Stokke, Olav Schram and Geir Hønneland (eds) International Cooperation and Arctic Governance: Regime Effectiveness and Northern Region Building London, Routledge, 2007, 196 p. (Hardback) London, Routledge, 2010, 196 p. (Paperback) > Read related FNI news release > Read book review (in Cooperation and Conflict) > For more information and orders, see Routledge's website: Hardback / Paperback The post-Cold War era has seen an upsurge in interest in Arctic affairs. With new international regimes targeting Arctic issues at both the global and regional levels, the Northern areas seem set to play an increasingly prominent role in the domestic and foreign policies of the Arctic states and actors – not least Russia, the USA and the EU. The book distinguishes between three key kinds of impact: Effectiveness, defined as mitigation or removal of specific problems addressed by a regime; political mobilization, highlighting changes in the pattern of involvement and influence in decision making on Arctic affairs; and region building, understood as contributions by Arctic institutions to denser interactive or discursive connectedness among the inhabitants of the region. Empirically, the main focus is on three institutions: the Arctic Council, the Barents Euro-Arctic Region and the Council of the Baltic Sea States. Issue areas such as pollution, biodiversity, indigenous affairs, health and climate change are covered. Rowe, Lars and Geir Hønneland 'Communicable Disease Control' In Stokke, Olav Schram and Geir Hønneland (eds), International Cooperation and Arctic Governance: Regime Effectiveness and Northern Region Building. London, Routledge, 2007, pp. 50-78. > See Routledge for more information about the book Health issues came to the fore in the international Arctic collaboration in the late 1990s when alarming figures emerged about the spread of new and re-emerging communicable diseases, especially HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis. Lars Rowe and Geir Hønneland discuss the main experiences of the Barents Health programme (BEAR) and the Task Force on Communicable Disease Control in the Baltic Sea Region (CBSS). Both initiatives have focused on improving the capabilities of post-Soviet states for halting the spread of communicable diseases, particularly through introducing the World Health Organization's (WHO) regime for tuberculosis control. To the extent possible, Rowe and Hønneland assess the effectiveness of these responses as well as their mobilizing and region building impact. Stokke, Olav Schram, Geir Hønneland and Peter Johan Schei 'Pollution and Conservation' In Stokke, Olav Schram and Geir Hønneland (eds), International Cooperation and Arctic Governance: Regime Effectiveness and Northern Region Building. London, Routledge, 2007, pp. 78-111. > See Routledge for more information about the book Four environmental issues an the role of Arctic institutions in managing them, are in focus: improving monitoring, reducing discharges of hazardous substances, enhancing nuclear safety, and protecting biodiversity. Environmental monitoring has emerged as a specialization of the Arctic Council and is an area where this institution has made a significant difference. Findings have been fed into broader international efforts to regulate discharges of persistent organic pollutants and heavy metals, and has contributed somewhat to strengthening the position of those who favoured more ambitious regulation. Most of the monitoring, technology transfer and construction of storage and treatment facilities to improve nuclear safety in Northwestern Russia has been organized and financed by institutions other than those examined here, largely on a bilateral basis or drawing upon EU or US funds. The Arctic Council in particular has invested considerable energy in developing guidelines on the safe conduct of Arctic operations, especially with respect to oil, gas and shipping activities, and for certain specific conservation issues. None of those are legally binding, however, and there are no structures or procedures for systematic review of whether those soft law instruments are implemented by Arctic states or operators. Networks generated and maintained by the Arctic Council and the Barents Euro-Arctic Region have had some mobilizing, or empowering, effect on indigenous peoples’ organizations, environmental researchers and civil servants at the regional level of governance. Networks that have emerged within the environmental sector of the Arctic Council and the BEAR encourage participants to view the environmental challenges faced in the region within a Northern frame. That said, such a framing is limited by the circumstance that some of the most pressing Arctic pollution issues originates in industrial activities further south – and solving even some of those that relate to regional activities, such as nuclear safety, will require participation from outside the Arctic. Stokke, Olav Schram 'International Institutions and Arctic Governance' In Stokke, Olav Schram and Geir Hønneland (eds), International Cooperation and Arctic Governance: Regime Effectiveness and Northern Region Building. London, Routledge, 2007, pp. 164-185. > See Routledge for more information about the book This chapter provides comparative analysis of how Arctic institutions affect regional connectedness, political involvement, and specific problem solving in five issue areas that rank high on Arctic political agendas. Starting from a low level, functional and discursive regionality is now on the rise in the Arctic. The institutions examined here have contributed to the development and maintenance of networks that nurture both aspects. Interaction within such networks is broadened by the involvement of province-level authorities and civil society groups, including indigenous organizations. Discursively, the emphasis of the Arctic Council on circumpolar environmental monitoring and indigenous issues has directed greater attention – within the region, and beyond – to the Arctic dimension of some global issues, like hazardous substances and climate change. Still, other levels of governance will continue to offer equally or more powerful instruments on many issues. Arctic institutions are the most effective – make the biggest difference – when they focus on activities or problem aspects where they enjoy niche advantages: where distinctive features of Arctic institutions make them better placed than others to extract or utilize the resources needed for problem solving. The cognitive, or fact-finding, niche is the one most widely chosen by Arctic institutions, especially within the Arctic Council. Normative contributions are far more limited, largely echoing broader international regimes already in existence. In the regulation of hazardous pollutants, Arctic institutions have served as platforms for efforts to influence spatially broader regulatory processes – partly by feeding in research findings on Arctic vulnerabilities, and partly by prodding Arctic states to take a more common stand on issues of concern. Finally, a capacity enhancement niche has been carved out in certain areas such as communicable diseases, cleaner production in process industries, and safer storage and treatment of hazardous waste. Moe, Arild 'Sjtokman-beslutningen: Forklaringer og implikasjoner' ('The Shtokman Decision: Explanations and Implications') Nordisk Østforum, Vol 20, No 4, 2006, pp. 389-403. In Norwegian. > Download full-text version (PDF) On 9 October 2006, Russia’s state-dominated gas company Gazprom declared a halt to the tender process for the giant Shtokman gas field, and that it was no longer interested in foreign ownership in the project. The plans to construct an LNG plant were also shelved. Instead Gazprom announced that it would develop the field on its own, and channel the gas via pipelines to European markets. This article offers various explanations for the decision. There have clearly been conflicts within Gazprom about priorities. The final decision was, however, most probably taken outside the company, with the active involvement of President Putin. The political considerations involved include a generally negative attitude to foreign companies and the lack of a supportive international political environment, but also the need to prioritize onshore field development to meet expected gas demand. The plans for a revised project under Gazprom's leadership seems unrealistic, and the overtures to Europe unconvincing. Even if the decision to shelve the project can be understandable, some of its elements indicate that the decision-making process was not thorough, probably due to centralization and administrative overload in the presidential administration. Jensen, Leif Christian 'Boring som miljøargument? Norske petroleumsdiskurser i nordområdene ('Drilling for the Environment? Norwegian Petroleum Discourses in the High North'). Internasjonal Politikk, Vol 64, No 3, 2006, pp. 295-309. In Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF version (provided by NUPI) Based on discourse analysis as a framework, the article examines how advocates of drilling have managed to get wide acceptance in the public sphere for their argument that Norway "must drill to help the environment". Such a statement is only possible if there are certain widely held perceptions in the Norwegian public about Russia and the environment. These perceptions have little to do with recent experience regarding Russian petroleum industry or Russian environmental standards in general, but have more to do with notions which date back to the collapse of the Soviet Union. Hønneland, Geir 'Power Institutions and International Collaboration on the Kola Peninsula' The Journal of Power Institutions In Post-Soviet Societies, Issue 4/5, 2006, online edition. > Full-text version available at PIPSS' website The article discusses how international cooperative projects have contributed to increased interaction between civilian authorities and the military or other power agencies in Murmansk Oblast. The cases of fisheries enforcement, nuclear safety and the fight against communicable diseases, especially tuberculosis in prisons, are reviewed. The main lesson is that international collaboration ventures can sometimes provide arenas for initiating new coordination patterns that would otherwise not have evolved. Occasionally, the international project is simply the pretext necessary for changing a situation that both civilian and power agencies view as irrational. Whether these changes are fundamental and structural, however, remains to be seen. Hønneland, Geir and Jørgen Holten Jørgensen Moderne russisk politikk: En innføring i Russlands politiske system ('Contemporary Russian Politics: An Introduction to Russia's Political System') Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2006, 168 p. In Norwegian. > Read related FNI news release (in Norwegian) > For more information and orders, contact Fagbokforlaget This book surveys the political system and bureaucratic apparatus of the Russian Federation, focusing on the similarities and differences between Norway and Russia: For example, has the government in Russia the same political influence as that in Norway? Is a Russian ‘governor’ the same as county governor in Norway? The authors describe the basic features of the Russian Constitution, the major political federal institutions, and the relationship between the federal and the regional authorities. Then follows a chapter on sectors of particular importance for Norway – including fisheries management, petroleum policy and environmental protection. The media, NGOs, and civil society organizations are also discussed. The volume is well suited as a textbook, especially for students of Russian, political science, Northern area issues and journalism. It is indispensable for Norwegians whose work brings them in contact with Russian policies and administration, and who need a deeper understanding of the background to their Russian partners. Hønneland, Geir and Jørgen Holten Jørgensen 'Administrativ reform i Russland' ('Administrative Reform in Russia') Nordisk Østforum, Vol 20, No 1, 2006, pp. 45-62. In Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF version (provided by NUPI) Upon his re-election in 2004, Russia’s president Vladimir Putin initiated a comprehensive reform to overhaul and streamline the entire government apparatus in the Russian Federation. Bureaucratic structures were to be organised according to a three-tiered structure where (1) ministries (ministerstva) were made responsible for formulating policy within their sphere of competence; (2) federal agencies (agentstva) should take charge of relevant policy implementation; and (3) services (sluzhby) were to control and monitor the others’ work. The main rationale was to keep the policy-formulating, implementing and controlling tasks separate from each other, in an attempt to clarify roles and combat corruption. In addition, the reform aimed at reducing the number of ministries and sub-divisions, as well as the number of vice ministers and total staff in the federal bureaucracy. After giving a description of the general outlines of the reform, this article continues with short case studies from two sectors, the fishery and environmental protection, by explaining what changes the reform has brought to the management of these. An assessment of how the reform has been implemented is given. Although the reform did provide the government apparatus with a new face, it is argued in this article that the reform so far has failed to deliver on important tasks as combating corruption or reducing the number of civil servants. Moreover, as old habits die hard, operational procedures appear to have survived, despite the new formal organisational relations set by the reform. Rowe, Lars and Bernd Rechel 'Fighting Tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS in Northeast Europe: Sustainable Collaboration or Political Rhetoric?' The European Journal of Public Health, Vol 16, No 6, 2006, pp. 609-614. > Full-text version available at Oxford Journals' website In April 2000, the Council of the Baltic Sea States established the Task Force on Communicable Disease Control in the Baltic Sea region (the Task Force). A successor structure, the Northern Dimension Partnership in Public Health and Social Wellbeing, was established in autumn 2003. This article, a follow-up study to a series of evaluations of the Task Force, examines whether the Northern Dimension has succeeded in developing the achievements of the Task Force and ensuring the sustainability of regional health collaboration. The study is qualitative, relying on documentary analysis and semi-structured in-depth interviews with key actors. Relevant literature and key programme documents were consulted, and approximately 100 interviews were conducted. The short history of the Northern Dimension Partnership shows that many of the problems encountered in the Task Force are reappearing. Inter-state rivalry, most prominent between Nordic countries, still hampers progress, with resulting scarce funding. The Partnership emphasises the need to anchor future collaboration in centrally placed agencies in all participating countries. This is a time consuming process, and has the inevitable effect of slowing down project work. Although epidemiological data clearly illustrate the need for continued multinational support to communicable disease control in Northeast Europe, the above-mentioned factors impede progress in this respect. While there are good reasons for cultivating partnerships with Russian federal agencies in terms of sustainability, this focus does represent a loss of momentum that may be difficult to overcome. Jørgensen, Jørgen Holten and Geir Hønneland 'Implementing Global Nature Protection Regimes in Russia' Journal of International Wildlife Law and Policy, Vol 9, No 1, 2006, pp. 33-53. > Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or access the definitive version here (subscribers only) The article discusses Russian implementation of the Ramsar Convention, the World Heritage Convention, CITES and the Convention on Biological Diversity. The country’s international obligations are part of Russian law, but little has been done by Russian authorities to implement the agreements on the ground. Compliance with the international agreements is the result of Russian protection measures that exist independently of the conventions. Environmental concerns have been given reduced priority since the early 1990s. An independent environmental protection agency no longer exists, and the number of inspectors has been drastically reduced. Implementation activities are undertaken primarily by international NGOs, and partly by regional authorities. Hønneland, Geir 'Samarbeidet med Russland - erfaringer og utgangspunkt' ('The Cooperation with Russia - Experiences and Point of Departure') Ottar, Vol 52, No 2, 2006, pp. 57-62. In Norwegian. > Download full-text version (PDF) An integrated management plan for the Barents Sea will be presented by the Government of Norway in spring 2006. The article discusses the potential for including Russia in integrated marine management in the region. Experiences from thirty years of joint fisheries management between the two countries are largely good. The combination of low environmental consciousness in Russia and the high degree of compartmentalization of the Russian bureaucracy creates particular challenges for the Norwegian aim of extending the integrated management plan to the entire Barents Sea. Schei, Peter Johan and Arild Moe 'Le Grand Nord - Défis et Potentiels' ('The High North – Challenges and Potentials') Nordiques, No 9, 2006, pp. 21-40. In French. > Download full-text version (PDF) In the European High North, Russia and Norway have the dominant territorial as well as economic interests. We find bilateral and multilateral co-operation, but also conflicts of interest. During the Cold War, these areas were largely seen internationally through the prism of security policy. In the 1970s, issues of nature conservation also came to attention. Today these areas have re-emerged with a focus on their hydrocarbon resources. They will become increasingly important for energy supplies to Europe in the coming years. Further development of the bilateral relations between Norway and Russia – regarding good fisheries management, environmental conservation and safety standards for exploitation and transportation of oil and gas – will be essential for sustainable resource management in the North. However, Norway has traditionally been reluctant towards arrangements that would act to leave Norway alone with its big and powerful eastern neighbour. To balance a heightened relationship with Russia, and in line with its general support of multilateral arrangements, the Norwegian government (both the old and the new) has argued for the need to develop further alliances with its traditional allies to find solid political common ground regarding developments in the North. Valeriy Kryukov and Arild Moe 'Hydrocarbon Resources and Northern Development' In Blakkisrud, Helge and Geir Hønneland (eds), Tackling Space: Federal Politics and the Russian North. Lanham (MD) and Oxford, University Press of America, 2005, pp. 125-142. Oil and gas play a pivotal role in the Russian economy. They represent about 20 percent of GDP, 55 percent of the country’s export income, and 40 percent of taxes paid. Russia’s Northern regions are responsible for an overwhelming share of oil and gas output. This chapter focuses on those Northern regions where oil and gas resources already play an important role, or where they have a clear potential. The main questions discussed are: Has there been a “Northern component” in Russia’s hydrocarbon policy? How have oil and gas activities affected broader social and economic development in Russia’s hydrocarbon-producing regions? Developments in recent years are bringing back features from the Soviet system – extensive redistribution of income and resources from the regions, via Moscow and back, and a more monopolistic industrial development. These are features associated with economic inefficiency. Russia has never really developed a Northern policy in its management of hydrocarbon resources. Not surprisingly, then, the results after 15 years are meager. Blakkisrud, Helge and Geir Hønneland 'The Burden and Blessing of Space' In Blakkisrud, Helge and Geir Hønneland (eds), Tackling Space: Federal Politics and the Russian North. Lanham (MD) and Oxford, University Press of America, 2005, pp. 193-204 Russian politics of the 1990s was characterized by devolution of power, unpredictability, and the divide-and-rule strategies of Boris El’tsin. In the country’s public administration, this led to serious infighting in the federal bureaucracy, and a considerable room for bargaining in relations between the federal and regional authorities. Two trends have counteracted these developments after Putin came to power. One is the reversal of the 1990s devolution of power to the federal subjects. Another is the streamlining of the federal bureaucracy as such. In the country's policies on the North, there is a reorientation away from the traditional territorial approach, with a separate federal body of governance responsible for the northern regions. Finally, while the Soviet mythologization of the North still wields considerable residual power and attraction, in practical politics economy is now more important than ideology. Profitability is seen as the main criterion for the future development of the northern resource base. Blakkisrud, Helge and Geir Hønneland 'The Russian North – An Introduction' In Blakkisrud, Helge and Geir Hønneland (eds), Tackling Space: Federal Politics and the Russian North. Lanham (MD) and Oxford, University Press of America, 2005, pp. 1-24 The chapter starts with a review of recent social science literature on Arctic affairs, including the international relations literature ("the age of the Arctic"), studies that portray the Arctic as periphery ("coping & survival") and more specific analyses of the Russian North. The second part of the chapter provides an introduction to the region, explaining the Russian definitions of "the Far North" and "territories equivalent to the regions of the Far North". Notably, the definitions follow neither climatic nor administrative borders, and they have frequently been changed over time. Characteristics of the region in terms of population, economy and natural resources are then given. From an economic perspective, the single most important resource is the vast deposits of hydrocarbons. The Soviet "conquest of the North" had increased the northern population from less than 2 mill. in the 1920s to 10 mill. at the end of the Soviet period. The collapse of the Soviet system led to a reversal of migration flows. Except for Khanty-Mansi and Iamal-Nenets, the economic locomotives of the Russian North, all regions of the North have recorded negative population growth over the past 15 years. Geir Hønneland 'Whose Fish: Federal Property or Northern Asset?' In Blakkisrud, Helge and Geir Hønneland (eds), Tackling Space: Federal Politics and the Russian North. Lanham (MD) and Oxford, University Press of America, 2005, pp. 107-124 Russia is one of the world's leading fishing nations, with considerable catches within its exclusive economic zone and on the high seas. Fish is a typical "northern asset": the two largest of Russia's five officially defined fishery basins serve the country's north-eastern and north-westerns corners. During the 1990s, regional authorities in Russia increased their influence on fisheries management beyond the role assigned in the 1993 Constitution. They has a say in the distribution of quotas between federal subjects, and they were in command of distribution among shipowners within their own territory - even though the Constitution has set this as a federal responsibility. The regional influence was reduced when quota auctions were introduced in 2001. A new quota system in 2003 left the regions with practically no influence on fisheries management. Geir Hønneland and Jørgen Holten Jørgensen 'The Ups and Downs of Environmental Governance' In Blakkisrud, Helge and Geir Hønneland (eds), Tackling Space: Federal Politics and the Russian North. Lanham (MD) and Oxford, University Press of America, 2005, pp. 143-162. It is widely held that environmental concerns were neglected in the Soviet Union, then came to the fore in the final years of the Union’s existence, but again lost significance in Russian political life during the 1990s. This chapter explores the ups and downs of environmental governance in post-Soviet Russia, with a particular view to the potential consequences for the country’s northern periphery. A main conclusion is that federal authorities have all but abandoned any ambition to conduct strict environmental regulation, while some northern federal subjects - especially the wealthy hydrocarbon and diamond regions - have established their own envioronmental programs, especially in the sphere of nature conservation. Continuous reorganizations of the environmental bureaucracy have also reduced effectiveness. Blakkisrud, Helge and Geir Hønneland (eds) Tackling Space: Federal Politics and the Russian North Lanham (MD) and Oxford, University Press of America, 2005, 222 p. > For more information and orders, contact University Press of America The North is intrinsic to the way most outsiders imagine Russia: snow, long winters and the endless Siberian forests. Indeed, about 70 percent of the country’s territory is defined as belonging to the North. These inhospitable tracts contain immense natural wealth, and large cities were constructed in Soviet times to supply the labor force for extraction industries. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the Russian North has become both a burden and an asset. It is overdeveloped, with its now obsolete mono-industrial towns, and underdeveloped, with its still largely untapped natural resources. Today’s Russian authorities face the challenge of developing a new Northern policy adapted to the realities of the 21st century. With its expert contributions from political science, economics, geography, and anthropology, this book represents the first comprehensive study in the Western literature of federal politics towards the Russian North. In addition to mapping the scope for federal governance, it covers such important issue areas as infrastructure development, natural resource management, environmental affairs, and policies towards indigenous peoples. Hønneland, Geir and Lars Rowe 'Western versus Post-Soviet Medicine: Fighting Tuberculosis and HIV in North-West Russia and the Baltic States' Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, Vol 21, No 3, 2005, pp. 395-414. Western governments and international organisations have since the late 1990s been involved in efforts to combat tuberculosis and HIV in north-west Russia and the Baltic states, and reform the post-Soviet health-care system. The article reviews Russian and Baltic perceptions of these efforts. WHO’s tuberculosis strategy DOTS encountered fierce resistance in the Russian tuberculosis establishment, but has been implemented in the north-western rim regions in Russia and all Baltic states. While many view Western aid as a welcome contribution, others feel the problems are exaggerated by the West. The Western emphasis on prison reform and sex workers also meets resistance in the post-Soviet context. Rowe, Lars and Geir Hønneland 'Smittevern og internasjonal politikk' ('Communicable Diseases and International Politics') Tidsskrift for Den norske lægeforening, No 12, 2005, pp. 78-80. This article briefly presents the international collaboration to fight the spread of communicable diseases in the Baltic Sea region, under the auspices of the Council of the Baltic Sea States. It then discusses the political motivation behind the initiative, and elaborates upon some of the historically and culturally determined obstacles to fruitful East-West collaboration in the field of Communicable Disease Control. It is stated that Western medical solutions to a certain degree have been forced upon highly qualified Russian specialists, and that Western participants in health programmes are, to some extent, perceived as arrogant and not sufficiently humble when dealing with their Russian counterparts. The article supports this criticism, but also attempts to draw a more complicated picture, by describing the post-Soviet development that has lead to what can be called ‘The Cold Peace’, in which Russian scepticism to the West is revived along the lines of the traditional slavophile-westerniser dichotomy. Finally, the article gives examples of projects where these obstacles have been overcome, and thus led to successful outcomes. Gulbrandsen, Lars H. and Arild Moe 'Oil Company CSR Collaboration in "New" Petro-states' Journal of Corporate Citizenship, No 20, 2005, pp. 53-64. > Download full-text version (PDF) This article explores oil company collaboration in handling corporate social responsibility (CSR) in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. Both states display some features of the ‘paradox of plenty’ thesis, that is, large mineral resources, overspending due to exaggerated expectations of petro-riches, a weak system of tax collection, accumulation of loans, lack of development of other sectors of the economy but oil, and increasing social inequality. We ask whether oil companies assume any responsibility for improving this situation and propose that oil companies are likely to co-operate to promote economic, social and political development in new petroleum provinces. Such collaboration could reduce the individual company’s economic costs and risk of exposure in sensitive issues. It is found that although oil companies have established co-operative forums in both states to address CSR, government policy or adjacent issues, little has been achieved. While the co-operative CSR forums in Azerbaijan have ceased to exist, those identified in Kazakhstan have dealt with oil companies’ core business interests rather than wider CSR issues. Various explanations for the lack of co-operative success in handling CSR are discussed. Rowe, Lars 'Et propagandistisk alternativ til diplomati - Sovjetisk utenrikspolitikk og Fredsfronten i Norge' ('A Propagandistic Alternative to Diplomacy: Soviet Foreign Policy and the Norwegian Peace Front') Historisk tidsskrift, Vol 84, No 2, 2005, pp. 297-310. In Norwegian. The article is based on studies of the Norwegian Peace Movement and its alleged role as a messenger of Soviet foreign policy views during the Cold War. It has been broadly assumed, by contemporaries and historians alike, that in the early years of the Cold War, Soviet diplomacy was to a large extent replaced by a comprehensive effort to exert pressure on Western governments through rallying support from Western peace activists. Throughout this period, it was frequently claimed that the Peace Movement was an instrument in the hands of the Communists, and under the direct influence of the Kremlin. Through documentation from Russian and Norwegian archives, it is asserted in this article that the Soviet foreign policy apparatus in the early Cold War years (1949-1956) was indeed geared on strengthening and utilising forces within the Peace Movement to reach certain foreign policy goals. Direct Soviet initiatives in establishing a ‘new peace movement’, headed by the World Peace Council and its national sections, are also documented. Further, the present article describes the fundamentals in what the author calls ‘the Communist Peace Mythology’, and elaborates on the impact the Soviet peace strategy had on the Norwegian peace movement. The author discusses briefly how the Norwegian press and political establishment perceived the peace offensive. The concluding section discusses whether the ‘peace offensive’ was a trait of Soviet foreign policy, Stalinist foreign policy, or merely a strategy that could be applied in times of high tension in the international arena. The last and most general interpretation is chosen. With reference to both the anti-fascist Popular Front in the 1930s, and the Communist revitalisation of the peace struggle during ‘the second cold war’ in the late 1970s and the early 1980s, it is argued that Soviet diplomacy gave way to the Soviet Peace Offensive in high-tension periods. In place of diplomacy came propaganda, voiced through a conglomerate of so-called progressive organisations headed by the World Peace Council. Hønneland, Geir Barentsbrytninger. Norsk nordområdepolitikk etter den kalde krigen. ('Barents Breaking. Norwegian Foreign Policy in the North after the Cold War') Kristiansand, Høyskoleforlaget, 2005, 190 p. In Norwegian. > For more information and orders, contact Høyskoleforlaget > Read book review (in Norwegian) Norwegian foreign policy in the north has changed dramatically since the early 1990s. The Cold War's focus on Soviet military force and delimitation of the Barents Sea has been replaced by issues such as the development of East-West contacts in trade and industry, environmental clean-up and the fight against communicable diseases. At the same time, new dimensions have been added to traditional policy questions of the European north, such as the status of the Svalbard archipelago and the Norwegian-Russian regime for fisheries management in the Barents Sea. The book reviews various arenas for collaboration between Norway and Russia in the north and dominant discourses in Norwegian foreign policy in the area after the Cold War. Moe, Arild, Kristian Tangen, Vladimir Berdin and Oleg Pluzhnikov 'Emissions Trading and Green Investments in Russia' Energy & Environment, Vol 14, No 6, 2003, pp. 841-858. In simple terms a Green Investment Scheme (GIS) entails connecting revenues from emissions trading to investments in environmental activities in Russia. This article presents insights derived from an international project on the GIS. The idea of a Green Investment Scheme grew out of the external opportunities for Russia created by the Kyoto mechanisms as well as the needs and challenges for Russian economic development. The GIS also takes into consideration the obligations of large emitters, such as the EU, Japan and Canada to find ways to offset their own emissions and gives impetus to the development of an environmentally benign system for trade in Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) . To make the concept operational several issues must be addressed, which are discussed in the article, on the background of the domestic, as well as international interests connected to a GIS. GIS is a worthwhile concept with the potential to bring real environmental benefits and meet profound concerns from several of the key actors in the Kyoto regime. However, establishing a well-functioning GIS means removing many of the current barriers that hold back investments in Russia. GIS illustrates that there will be substantial benefits for Russia from ratifying the Kyoto Protocol, which is a prerequisite for its entering into force. Hønneland, Geir Russia and the West: Environmental Co-operation and Conflict London and New York, Routledge, 2003, 208 p. (Hardback) London and New York, Routledge, 2011, 208 p. (Paperback) > For more information and orders, see Routledge's website: Hardback / Paperback The book traces similarities and differences between Russian and Western perceptions of environmental problems in the Arctic, of what causes them and of how they are being dealt with at the international level. It focuses on how environmental problems are framed and how this affects politics. Using a distinctive cross-cutting focus on environmental discourse and East-West relations, the author provides an in-depth analysis of the interface between Russia and Western countries over environmental issues such as nuclear safety, air pollution and the management of living marene resources. Moe, Arild and Kristian Tangen The Kyoto Mechanisms and Russian Climate Politics London, Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2000, 110 p. The Kyoto Protocol established binding emission reduction targets for the industrialised countries, including economies in transition. It also introduced the so-called 'Kyoto Mechanisms' to help meet these targets in 'flexible' and cost-effective ways. This book analyses Russian climate policy,both development of negotiating position, on the background of energy sector interests and trends in emissions, and emerging issues in domestic implementation of the climate regime: How are various interests affected and how are they likely to respond? Special attention is given to the Russian natural gas sector. This sector will be an important factor in Russia's achievementof its own targets (stabilisation at 1990 levels) and in the development of international emissions trading and joint implementation projects. Moe, Arild and Anne-Kristin Jørgensen 'Offshore Mineral Development in the Russian Barents Sea' Post-Soviet Gegraphy and Economics, Vol 41, No 2, 2000, pp. 98-133. Starting with exploration activities which began during the Soviet period and have been extended to the present, the status of the major development projects and conflicting regional and central government interests involved in such development, is described and evaluated. Coverage includes the emergence of Rosshelf, an oil/gas conglomerate formed to facilitate defense conversion activities of major naval shipyards. Critical to analysis of the projects' potential is assessment of alternative gas supplies as well as energy development strategies. Hønneland, Geir and Anne-Kristin Jørgensen 'Closed Cities on the Kola Peninsula: From Autonomy to Integration?' Polar Geography, Vol 22, No 4, 1998, pp. 231-248. The article investigates the extent to which six closed cities in Murmansk oblast' - the region in Russia with the highest concentration of closed cities - are being integrated into the economic and social fabric of Russia, as measured by the strength of linkages between institutions and people inside and outside the closed cities, as well as the relationship between civilian and military authorities within these cities. Particular attention is devoted to an examination of similarities and differences among the six cities in terms of their basic economic activities, current situation, and ties with the outside world. Stokke, Olav Schram 'Nuclear Dumping in Arctic Seas: Russian Implementation of the London Convention' In Victor, D.G. et. al. (eds), The Implementation and Effectiveness of International Environmental Commitments: Theory and Practice. MIT Press, 1998, pp. 475-517. This article argues that the regime set up by the London Convention on dumpinghas helped reduce domestic access barriers in the Soviet Union and Russiato decisions on disposal of nuclear waste and promoted a step-wise broadening of actual participation of regulative agencies and societal intervenor groups.The consequences of these changes for the effectiveness of the international dumping regime have been measured along three dimensions: monitoring, regulation,and compliance stimulation, including enhancement of target-group capacityto avoid dumping. Top		More Polar and Russian politics publications on FNI's Polar and Russian politics page More publication summaries: Global governance and sustainable development Marine affairs and Law of the Sea Biodiversity and biosafety Polar and Russian politics European energy and environmental politics Chinese energy and environmental politics Free e-subscription to FNI's publications on polar and Russian affairs: Click here to register.
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