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FNI PUBLICATION
SUMMARIES
Polar and Russian
Politics
Gabriel, Steven A., Arild
Moe, Knut Einar Rosendahl and Marina Tsygankova 'The Likelihood and
Potential Implications of a Natural Gas Cartel' In Roger Fouquet (ed),
Handbook on Energy and Climate Change. Cheltenham (UK), Edward Elgar,
2013, pp. 86-102. > More
information about the book
The chapter discusses the prospects for a
natural gas cartel, taking the Gas Exporting Countries Forum (GECF) as point of
departure. We consider the GECF countries position in the current gas
market, comparing them with the OPEC countries. Gas markets have certain
characteristics that differ from the oil market, and these are important to
assess as well. A prerequisite for turning any constellation of gas-exporting
countries into a gas cartel is that it is sufficiently profitable to coordinate
action. We discuss this in light of simulation results, using a large scale
model for international gas markets. Moreover, the potential market
implications of a gas cartel are considered. The biggest gas exporter in the
world is Russia, which also holds the largest share of global gas reserves.
Russia is one of the key GECF members, and its position vis- à- vis
cartelization will to a large degree determine whether or not, and in what
form, a gas cartel will appear.
Moe,
Arild 'Norway and Russia: Neighbours with Strong Interests in the
Arctic' In Hooman Peimani (ed), Energy Security and Geopolitics in
the Arctic. Singapore, World Scientific Publishing, 2013, pp.
127-163. > More
information about the chapter and book
The chapter presents and
discusses main characteristics of Norwegian and Russian offshore petroleum
policy in the Arctic and the relationship between the two countries in this
sphere. The stability of the jurisdictional arrangements in the Arctic is of
major importance both for the regional peace and security and the development
of the Arctics mineral and energy resources, particularly oil and gas.
The chapter discusses major and recent developments with regard to jurisdiction
and delimitation on the Arctic continental shelf: How can the delimitation
agreement between Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea be explained, and, what
is the outlook for conflict surrounding the Russian claim for an extended shelf
in the Arctic Ocean?
Rottem, Svein
Vigeland Sikkerhet i nord - er vi forberedt? ('Security in the
North - Are We Prepared?') Rapport fra Sikkerhetspolitisk konferanse
2012, Oslo, Utenriksdepartementet, 2013, 32 p. In Norwegian. >
Download report
The High North is Norways most important
strategic priority area in the years ahead. In this report a wide range of
security issues facing Arctic states are addressed. The report is a product
(and a summary) of a conference held in Bodø 25.-26.12 ("Sikkerhet i
nord - er vi forberedt?"). The purpose of the conference was to explore defence
and security challenges in the region in light of increased political and
commercial attention. Most participants argued that there is a good chance for
a stable and civilized Arctic. Among the participants were Foreign Minister
Espen Barth Eide and Rear Admiral Haakon Bruun-Hanssen.
Hønneland, Geir 'Borderland
Russians: Behind the Scenes, before the Sequels' In G. Hønneland,
Borderland Russians: Identity, Narrative and International Relations.
Basingstoke & New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, pp. 13-24. > More
information about the book
This is a new introductory chapter to the
paperback edition of "Borderland Russians". The chapter provides background to
the methodological, theoretical and empirical choices made for the book, and
puts the study in a wider theoretical context. In particular, the role of
identity and narrative analysis in international relations theory is elaborated
on. Such analysis does not aim to explain all aspects of international
relations, but rather to circle in 'the bandwidth of possible outcomes'. It
also contributes to the discussion of how political actors, and their
interests, are constituted. The chapter preaches eclectisism: we should see
research traditions as complementary, not competing.
Stokke, Olav Schram 'Political Stability
and Multi-Level Governance in the Arctic' In P.A. Berkman and A.N.
Vylegzhanin (eds), Environmental Security in the Arctic Ocean. Berlin,
Springer, 2013, pp. 297-312. > More information about
the chapter and book
This chapter examines the interplay between
regional institutions for governing the Arctic and broader ones applicable in
this region and elsewhere. It first points out that despite rapid environmental
change in the Arctic, political stability remains high. One reason is that
Arctic states have relatively few unsettled maritime boundary issues and manage
the remaining ones in a cooperative manner. Another reason is that an
international legal framework exists for governing economic use of the region.
The framework is based on global, customary international law codified in the
United Nations Law of the Sea Convention and obliges states to respond
individually and jointly to new challenges deriving from increasing economic
activities. The chapter then examines the adequacy of regional means for
strengthening the Arctic governance system and finds that regional institutions
like the Arctic Council have only partial roles to play the Arctic Ocean
needs multilevel governance. The fact that Arctic environmental challenges
cannot be addressed without significant contributions from broader or global
institutions, also impinges on the question of how those operating the Arctic
Council should deal with the interest among some non-Arctic states to
participate in Council work. Important governance functions like generating
knowledge on environmental risks and response options, obtaining
Arctic-sensitive regulations in broader international fora, and mobilizing
resources and legal competence to support rule implementation, will benefit
from greater involvement of other interested states. Provision of effective and
legitimate governance is the best basis for ensuring political stability in the
Arctic.
Stokke, Olav
Schram 'Regime Interplay in Arctic Shipping Governance: Explaining
Regional Niche Selection' International Environmental Agreements:
Politics, Law and Economics, Vol 13, No 1, 2013, pp. 65-85. >
Purchase original article here or download
post-print version here.
Distinctive institutional features can make a regime particularly
suited for conducting one or more generic tasks of governance: building
knowledge, strengthening norms, enhancing problem-solving capacity, or
enforcing rule compliance. Each of those governance tasks constitutes a
potential niche that a regime can specialize in within a larger
institutional complex. Applying this niche-oriented approach to the case of
Arctic marine transport helps to explain the emerging division of labor between
regional and global institutions in an issue-area marked by rapid change.
Drawing on earlier regime-effectiveness research, the article examines the
potential of regional institutions, especially the Arctic Council, to
contribute to strengthening the international governance system for shipping,
based on the UN International Maritime Organization (IMO). Although the Arctic
Council is not well-positioned to regulate regional shipping activities, it may
facilitate regulatory advances in the IMO, in part by knowledge-building and in
part by helping Arctic states to find common ground on matters of controversy.
The Council is also well equipped to enhance regional maritime infrastructure,
like capacities for responding to oil spills, and search and rescue operations.
Should binding region-specific international rules on Arctic shipping be
adopted, Arctic institutions could play a role in coordinating port-state
enforcement measures but existing institutions with broader
participation are better suited and will probably remain dominant. The larger
question of achieving cross-institutional interplay that can promote
effectiveness is relevant in any region or issue-area, because efforts to solve
specific problems usually involve more than one institution.
Jensen, Leif Christian 'Seduced and
Surrounded by Security: A Post-Structuralist Take on Norwegian High North
Securitizing Discourses' Cooperation and Conflict, Vol 48, No 1,
pp. 80-99. > Purchase the original article
here.
Combining
elements of the Copenhagen schools securitization theory with a
Foucauldian discourse analysis, this article examines certain discursive
processes that emerged in the wake of Norways 2005 High North Initiative.
The Norwegian governments explicit politicization of energy issues
appears to have acted as door opener, letting security in to
colonize the High North discourses once more. Russia is again firmly positioned
as the radical other, leaving the discursive field open to various
forms of securitizing discourses. The post-2005 discursive field of the
Northern areas is, in many ways, more open-ended, complex and confusing than
ever. The opening up and expansion of the concept of High North security means
that everything is seen as having a security potential. What does
seem clear is the increasing presence of security in policy documents and the
media debate: entry to and credibility in the discourse depends on
security speak across an ever-widening array of thematic contexts.
The article also argues that a combination of securitization theory and
discourse analysis seems a fruitful way forward in shifting more focus towards
the active and important role of the audience in securitizing
processes.
Jensen, Leif Christian Norway on a High
in the North: A Discourse Analysis of Policy Framing Doctoral
dissertation, University of Tromsø, 2012, 155 p. > Access the dissertation
The purpose of this thesis is to better understand how the
Norwegian High North initiative from 2005 is framed through public and official
Norwegian discourses. It examines this political undertaking through four
distinct nodal points: security, the environment, Russia and natural resources.
The dissertation consists of five articles which deal with different aspects of
this initiative from thematically different angles and data sources depending
on whether there are public or official discourses which were under scrutiny.
My aim has been to grasp how Norwegian political constructions affect Norway,
the North and the rest of the world. The dissertation contributes theoretically
to the discourse literature by identifying, specifying and defining a special
form of interdiscursivity: discourse co-optation. It also contributes to the
literature on securitization by its focus on the political significance of
discourses and the audiences active role in processes which involves some
form of securitizing moves or even discursive movement towards actual
securitization.
Kristoffersen, Berit and
Leif Christian
Jensen 'Nordområdepolitikken: A license to drill?' ('The
Norwegian High North Initiative: A License to
Drill?') Tvergastein, Vol 1, No 2, 2012, pp. 74-80. In
Norwegian. >
Access original article
The
article discusses the interrelationship between Russia, the climate and
petroleum resources. They are seen as three central driving-forces, or nodal
points in the High North Initiative, and are crucial for the Norwgian
self-image in the Arctic as an environmental- friendly provider of scarce and
strategic resources to the world. The article shows how it has become possible
to argue that Norwegian environmental- and climate policy almost coincide with
geopolitical and economical interests in the Arctic. The Norwegian High North
initiative is important in upholding the Norwegian self-image as a small and
unique, but at the same time important, global actor which can make a
difference.
Korppoo, Anna
and Adnan Vatansever A Climate Vision for Russia: From Rhetoric to
Action Carnegie Policy Outlook. Washington DC, Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace, August 2012, 16 p. >
Access full-text version > Russian
version
Regardless of many benefits available to Russia from
adopting a more practical approach to climate mitigation, the country remains
on the outskirts of the international climate policy debate - an important
element of foreign policy in this decade. Russian leaders tend to point to the
post-Soviet decline of Russias greenhouse gas emissions as a major
contribution to global climate mitigation efforts. Yet, because the
countrys carbon intensity remains very high, that stance undermines
Russias role as a serious global climate actor.
Århus, Torstein
Vik Maritim mistru og petroleumspartnarskap: Ein diskursanalyse av
russiske reaksjonar på norsk nordområdepolitikk ('Maritime Mistrust
and Petroleum Partnership: A Discourse Analysis of Russian Reactions to
Norwegian High North Policies') FNI Report 08/2012. Lysaker, FNI,
2012, 84 p. In Norwegian. > Download
full-text version (PDF)
This report is a discourse analysis based on
307 articles from a variety of Russian news sources, and sheds light on the
tensions between two discourses concerning Norway. In these two discourses,
Norway is presented as either a competitor/opponent or a role model and
potential partner. This division between these discourses became very clear
with the debate regarding the agreement on the Norwegian-Russian demarcation
line in the Barents Sea in 2010. The Norwegian High North policy concept is
also something that cannot be seen in Russian press coverage, which covers
Norwegian policy on a more thematic basis than the High North as a whole as can
be seen in Norwegian press coverage. The tension between the pictures of Norway
as either a competitor or as a role model can also be seen in a wider context
as a part of the great question in Russian history regarding Russias
place in Europe.
Hønneland,
Geir 'Norsk-russisk miljø- og ressursforvaltning i
nordområdene' ('Norwegian-Russian Environmental and Resource Management
in the High North') Nordlit, Vol 29, No 1, 2012, pp. 79-87. In
Norwegian. > Access
fulltext article
Since the end of the Cold War, a flourishing
network of collaboration has grown up between Russia and neighbouring Nordic
countries in the European North, especially Norway. The Barents Euro-Arctic
Region (BEAR) was established in 1993 by several North European states and
regional administrative entities in Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. Its aim
is to promote relations across the old East-West divide in the European North,
and enable joint projects in a number of areas, including trade and industry,
student exchange and indigenous issues. In addition, Russia and Norway are
pursuing various bilateral schemes focused on a particular problem or challenge
in the North. One of them is the Joint Norwegian-Russian Fisheries Commission,
which manages the valuable fish resources in the Barents Sea. In various
bilateral and multilateral partnerships, Norway is working to address the
environmental problems on the Kola Peninsula. This article gives a brief
overview of these cooperative arrangements.
Hønneland, Geir 'Internasjonalt
samarbeid i nordområdene' ('International Collaboration in the High
North') In Mot
Nord. Oslo, Europabevegelsen, 2012, pp. 42-49. In Norwegian.
The
article reviews international collaboration arrangements in the High North. I t
argues that the High North has become increasingly important for Norwegian
foreign policy, and that international collaboration has become increasingly
important for the High North. The article brings empirical examples from
multilateral cooperative arrangements, primarily the Euro-Arctic Barents
Region, and from bilateral arrangements between Norway and Russian in the High
North, such as the joint Norwegian-Russian commissions on fisheries management,
environmental protection and nuclear safety.
Korppoo, Anna and Thomas Spencer 'Russia's
Energy Security and Emission Trends: Synergies and Contradictions' In
Luca Anchesi and Jonathan Symons (eds), Energy Security in the Era of
Climate Change. Chippenham & Eastbourne (UK), Palgrave Macmillan, 2012,
pp. 143-160. > More
information about the book at the publisher's website
Energy
security policy rather than climate policies drives Russia's greenhouse gas
emissions. In most cases the energy security and mitigation interests go hand
in hand, however, there are examples of the opposite. The poor track record of
policy implementation in Russia is also an important factor to take into
account when analysis such synergies.
Korppoo, Anna and Nina Korobova 'Modernizing
Residential Heating in Russia: End-use Practices, Legal Developments and Future
Prospects' Energy Policy, Vol 42, March 2012, pp.
213-220. > Purchase the original article
here or download
the post-print version here
This article explores the
significance of modernization policies concerning Russias technically
obsolete but socially important residential heating sector, focusing on the
2009 energy efficiency framework law and its prospects for implementation.
Ownership and control structures are in flux throughout the heating sector
chain. Inefficiencies, causing low service quality and rising prices, have
already started eroding the market share of district heating, despite its
potential benefits. End-use management practices such as lack of
metering, communal billing and low prices that do not cover production costs
reduce consumer incentives to cut consumption. The diversity of
end-users adds to the complexity of focused measures like energy-saving
contracts. However, end-use sector reforms such as mandatory meter installation
and increasing prices even if socially acceptable and fully implemented
cannot alone provide the massive investments required. More appropriate
is sector-wide reform with the governments financial participation
especially if consumer efforts can yield better service quality.
Stokke, Olav Schram 'Environmental Security
in the Arctic: The Case for Multi-Level Governance' International
Journal, Vol 64, No 4, 2011, pp. 835-848. > Download article
Despite
the rapid regional changes associated with global warming, the environmental
security of the Arctic is satisfactory. Three stabilizers explain this
situation. Economically, substantial continuity characterizes the conditions
which so far have limited the accessibility and commercial viability of Arctic
resources and navigation routes. Politically, the Arctic states have relatively
few unsettled maritime boundary issues, and they manage the remaining ones in a
cooperative manner. Legally, a globally accepted legal framework exists for
governing the economic use of the region. That framework is based on customary
international law as codified in the United Nations Law of the Sea Convention
and is capable of responding flexibly to new challenges emanating from
increasing economic activities. Regulatory dynamism is called for, but regional
means such as the Arctic Council have only partial roles to play in
strengthening the system for governing regional activities what the
Arctic needs is multilevel governance. This finding has implications for the
question of wider involvement of non-Arctic states in Council work. Provision
of effective and legitimate governance is the best basis for ensuring continued
environmental security in the Arctic.
Hønneland, Geir Arktiske
utfordringer ('Arctic Challenges') Kristiansand,
Høyskoleforlaget, 2012, 139 p. In Norwegian. >
For orders, contact Høyskoleforlaget
The Arctic has heatend
up, in different ways. The ice is melting and scientists are uncertain about
how this will affect the Arctic ecosystems. At the same time, the Arctic is the
object of heated political discussion: Who shall extract the oil when the ice
disappears? How are marine delimitation lines established? Who will control the
new sea routes that are opening up? Who actually owns the Arctic? The book
provides a balanced introduction to the most important challenges in the
Arctic, with a particular focus on the environment, natural resources and
energy. It also presents the political institutions that have been set up to
coordinate international relations in the region, within the frameworks of
international law.
Jensen, Leif
Christian 'Norwegian petroleum extraction in Arctic waters to save
the environment: introducing discourse co-optation as a new
analytical term' Critical Discourse Studies, Vol 9, No 1, 2012,
pp. 29-38. >
Purchase the original article or download post-print version
In
this article, the term discourse co-optation is introduced based on a socially
oriented discourse analysis of the Norwegian petroleum debate concerning
petroleum extraction in the Barents Sea. The introduction of the term is based
on empirical findings from two different studies of public discourse through
four Norwegian newspapers published between 2000 and 2006. Discourse
co-optation describes how one discourse burrows into the heart of a
counter-discourse, turns its logic upside down and it is put to work to
re-establish hegemony and re-gain political support. One discourse is
strengthened by the addition of a new, powerful argument; the other is weakened
almost to the same degree.
Moe, Arild, Daniel
Fjærtoft and Indra Øverland 'Space and Timing: 'Why was the
Barents Sea Delimitation Dispute Resolved in 2010?' Polar
Geography, Vol 34, No 3, 2011, pp. 145-162 > Purchase the
original article or download
post-print version.
An
explanation of the timing of the 2010 agreement resolving the marine
delimitation dispute between Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea must be
sought mainly on the Russian side. Russia's willingness to compromise on the
spatial disagreement between the two countries at this specific juncture was
not,as sometimes assumed, driven by a thirst for the energy resources in the
formerly disputed area, but instead by broader Russian foreign policy
considerations. These include a general effort to reduce the risk of conflicts
with neighboring states by clearing away as many territorial disputes as
possible, the intention to improve Russia's image as a rule-abiding player on
the international arena, and interest in strengthening the UN Convention on the
Law of the Sea as the framework for Arctic governance.
Fauchald, Ole Kristian 'Regulatory
Frameworks for Maritime Transport in the Arctic: Will a Polar Code Contribute
to Resolve Conflicting Interests?' In John Grue and Roy H. Gabrielsen
(eds), Marine Transport in the High North. Oslo, Novus Forlag, 2011, pp.
73-91. >
Download entire book (PDF)
This chapter discusses the ability of
Norway as a coastal state to regulate maritime transport in the Arctic in light
of the major interests associated with such transportation. As a coastal state
heavily dependent on marine resources, Norway has significant interests in
protecting the environment against damages from maritime accidents and
pollution from maritime transport activities. But Norway does also promote
other interests. As an important flag state, Norway defends the freedom of
navigation. As a country with an open economy depending on international trade,
Norway has a strong interest in cost effective maritime transportation.This
chapter first discusses Norwegian jurisdiction under the current international
regime in the Arctic. Thereafter follows an assessment of how Norways
regulatory jurisdiction may be affected by negotiation and adoption of a
binding Polar Code. The final part of the contribution considers how Norway can
ensure an appropriate balance of the interests should the negotiations of a
Polar Code fail to provide appropriate results within a reasonable time
frame.
Skedsmo, Pål Wilter Evaluering av
samarbeidet mellom LO og FNPR 2001-2010 ('Evaluation of Co-operation Between LO
and FNPR 2001-2010') FNI Report 05/2011. Lysaker, FNI, 2011, 33 p.
In Norwegian. > Download full-text
version (PDF) > Read related news
article
This evaluation report summarizes findings and provides
recommendations for future co-operation between The Norwegian Confederation of
Trade Unions (LO) and the Federation of Independent Russian Trade Unions
(FNPR). The projects have been supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign
Affairs since 1992. Throughout the evaluation period (2001-2010), LO has
received approximately 215 000 Euro from the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign
Affairs. The co-operation between Norwegian and Russian trade unions is based
on a principle of equality and a Norwegian wish to contribute to the
readjustment among Russian trade unions navigating in a market economy.
Approximately 200 different seminars and projects focusing on a broad range of
issues, such as gender equality, social partnership and member recruitment have
been carried out. Mechanisms to ensure that lessons learned at the seminars are
integrated into regular work have not been sufficiently developed. It is
recommended that the co-operation maintains focus on the trade union movement
in the Barents region; that projects are developed with long term goals in
mind; and that lessons learned are integrated into regular work to a greater
degree on the Russian side.
Moe,
Arild 'Energeticheskie strategii Rossii i Norvegii v Barentsevom
more' ('Russian and Norwegian Energy Strategies in the Barents Sea') In
N.A. Simoniya (ed), Arktika - Interesy Rossii: Energetika, Ekologiya.
Moscow, EkoPolitika, 2011, pp. 71-104. In Russian.
Norway and Russia are
both moving petroleum activities into the Barents Sea. The Norwegian activities
have been characterized by an industry eager to participate, but ready to
withdraw in adverse commercial conditions, and authorities supporting
enterprise, whilst imposing strong restrictions. Russia still does not have a
coherent policy for offshore development. The prioritization of state goals is
unresolved, and the division of functions between state organs and state
companies unclear. Private and foreign interests are kept at arms length.
There is still great uncertainty regarding the timing and pace of
development,as well as the development concepts involved. The relationship
between Russia and Norway in the energy sphere has been peaceful and
cooperative,despite the jurisdictional dispute in the Barents Sea. The
delimitation agreement improves the atmosphere further, and means that a
promising area could be opened for petroleum activities and possibly joint
exploration of deposits crossing the new boundary line.
This is a
translated and slightly revised version of the article 'Russian and Norwegian Petroleum Strategies in the
Barents Sea' published in Arctic Review on Law and Politics, Vol 1,
No 2, 2010, pp. 225-248.
Stokke, Olav
Schram 'Interplay Management, Niche Selection, and Arctic
Environmental Governance' In Sebastian Oberthür and Olav Schram
Stokke (eds), Managing Institutional Complexity: Regime Interplay and Global
Environmental Change. Cambridge (USA), MIT Press, 2011, pp. 143-170. >
More information about the book at the publisher's website
The
framework developed in this chapter for analyzing interplay management in
institutional complexes delineates four governance niches and helps to identify
conditions for occupying them effectively - that is, in a way that supports
overall problem solving. Applying the notion of institutional niches to four
cases of Arctic environmental governance helps to identify distinctive features
that can equip an institution particularly well for conducting the related
tasks. I first link the notion of institutional niches to certain general tasks
of governance: building knowledge, creating norms, enhancing capacity, and
enforcing compliance. The four areas of Arctic governance in focus are
transboundary air pollution, marine contamination, hazardous waste treatment,
and fisheries management.
Kvello, Jon Sigurd Sjursen Tillit i
samarbeidsrelasjoner: En casestudie av tre norsk-russiske samarbeidsprosjekter
('Trust in Cooperative Relationships: A Case Study of Three Norwegian-Russian
Cooperative Projects') FNI Report 06/2011. Lysaker, FNI, 2011, 89 p.
In Norwegian. > Download full-text
version (PDF)
Trust as a prerequisite and catalyst for cooperation
has gained much scholarly attention in the past three decades. This report
seeks to analyze drivers for, and obstacles to, successful project cooperation
through applied theories of trust as an analytical tool. The report studies the
operational level of three Norwegian-Russian cooperation projects from the
environmental and health spheres, using interviews with project participants as
empirical data. The findings imply that socio-cultural factors are important in
building and maintaining trust among the project participants, which in turn is
essential for successful cooperation. In connection with this, shared
identities and discourses seem to be of imporance as a common ground for
building trust relationships.
Jensen, Leif
Christian, Øystein Jensen and
Svein Vigeland Rottem 'Norwegian Foreign
Policy in the High North: Energy, International Law and Security'
Atlantisch Perspectief, Vol 35, No 3, 2011, pp. 15-19. > Download entire
journal
This
short article portrays and discusses the perceived main challenges facing
Norway in the European Arctic in the short- and middle-long term. The analysis
is based on official Norwegian documents and statements, which we let represent
'Norwegian perceptions'. We apply a discursive perspective to the challenges
and issues facing the Norwegian government in the European Arctic. We identify
three main issue areas which function as nodal points for the official
Norwegian discourse. These are: Resource and environmental management, low
tension and law of the sea, preserve and protect sovereignty. Our aim is to
shed light on the Norwegian reality, including perceptions of challenges,
opportunities and priorities in the European Arctic. We assume these
perspectives on a Norwegian reality will be seen as interesting and relevant to
hold up against "French perceptions" or perhaps even "European perceptions" -
if there is such a thing as a European perception - of this rich, (still)
ice-covered wasteland on top of the world.
Jensen, Leif
Christian and Geir
Hønneland 'Framing the High North: Public Discourses in Norway
after 2000' Acta Borealia, Vol 8, No 1, 2011, pp. 37-54. >
Purchase the original article
here or download
the post-print version here
The
article presents an overview of the main public debates in Norway that can be
said to have framed and defined the High North since the turn of the
millennium. It is based on a qualitative study of over 3000 articles published
in four Norwegian newspapers issued between 2000 and 2006. Our discussion is
structured around three overarching, interconnected narratives we think capture
the essence of the Norwegian public discourses on the High North between 2000
and 2006. These are Fragments from the 1990s; The great narrative of the High
North; and Mixing cold water with hot blood: The first half of the 2000s is
characterised by an almost total absence of the High North as a discursive and
politically coherent concept. From 2004, however, usage grew fivefold,
alongside an extensive, dynamic discursive mobilisation. When the Russians
decided in 2006 to shelve the Shtokman project and critical voices were heard
condemning Norway¡¦s environmental performance in northwest
Russia, public opinion swung back again. A feeling of cold reality replaced the
sense of optimism towards the energy potential of the north, and an exercise in
collective soul-searching commenced { similar to that of the early years
of the decade. We believe the type of discursive change we document in this
article constitutes policy trends both in connection with the High North and
other sectors where policy is subject to intense public debate and
appraisal.
Hønneland,
Geir 'Kompromiss als Routine: Russisch-Norwegische
Konfliktlösung in der Barentssee' ('Compromise as Routine:
Russian-Norwegian Conflict Resolution in the Barents Sea') In
'Logbuch
Arktis', Osteuropa, Vol 61, Nos 2-3, 2011, pp. 257-269. In
German. > Download article >
Purchase entire journal
The article discusses whether Norway's and
Russia's 'bargaining experience' in the Barents Sea might have furthered the
conclusion of the 2010 delimitation agreement between the two countries.
Leaning on institutional theory about how bureaucratic procedures evolve into
standard operating procedures, I ask whether the continuous bargaining between
Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea over fisheries management and the
protection of the marine environment might have accustomed the parties to
reaching agreement. Is there evidence that entering compromises has become the
standard operating procedure, even when the parties principal
positions do not conform?
Hønneland,
Geir 'East-West Collaboration in the European North: Structures and
Perceptions' International Journal, Vol 65, No 4, 2010, pp.
837-850. > Download
article
Since the end of the Cold War, a flourishing network of
collaboration has grown up between Russia and neighbouring Nordic countries in
the European North. The Barents Euro-Arctic Region (BEAR) was established in
1993 by several North European states and regional administrative entities in
Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. Its aim is to promote relations across the
old East-West divide in the European North, and enable joint projects in a
number of areas, including trade and industry, student exchange and indigenous
issues. In addition, Russia and the Nordic countries are pursuing various
bilateral schemes focused on a particular problem or challenge in the North.
One of them is the Joint Norwegian-Russian Fisheries Commission, which manages
the valuable fish resources in the Barents Sea. In various bilateral and
multilateral partnerships, Western states are working to address the
environmental problems on the Kola Peninsula. This article gives a brief
overview of these cooperative arrangements and Russian perceptions of
them.
Moe, Arild 'Russian and Norwegian Petroleum
Strategies in the Barents Sea' Arctic Review on Law and Politics,
Vol 1, No 2, 2010, pp. 225-248. > Download full-text post-print
version
Norway and Russia are both moving petroleum activities into
the Barents Sea. The Norwegian activities have been characterized by an
industry eager to participate, but ready to withdraw in adverse commercial
conditions, and authorities supporting enterprise, whilst imposing strong
restrictions. Russia still does not have a coherent policy for offshore
development. The prioritization of state goals is unresolved, and the division
of functions between state organs and state companies unclear. Private and
foreign interests are kept at arms length. There is still great
uncertainty regarding the timing and pace of development,as well as the
development concepts involved. The relationship between Russia and Norway in
the energy sphere has been peaceful and cooperative,despite the jurisdictional
dispute in the Barents Sea. The delimitation agreement improves the atmosphere
further, and means that a promising area could be opened for petroleum
activities and possibly joint exploration of deposits crossing the new boundary
line.
This article has also been
published in Russian, in a slightly revised version.
Stokke, Olav
Schram 'Barents Sea Fisheries: The IUU Struggle' Arctic
Review on Law and Politics, Vol 1, No 2, 2010, pp. 207-224. > Download full-text post-print
version
Considerable fishing operations occur in the European part
of the Arctic Ocean, especially in waters under Norwegian and Russian
jurisdiction, and regional states have recently made important advances in
combating illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing. During the 2000s,
illegal harvesting of Northeast Arctic cod reached levels that jeopardized
stock sustainability and coastal-state quota restraint, shifted wealth from
legal fishers to cheaters, and promoted corrupt practices in production and
distribution chains. A strengthening of various port-state measures appears
promising for combating illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing in the
region. Such measures have evolved from unilateral refusal to allow landing of
fish taken outside international quota arrangements to a multilateral Scheme of
Control and Enforcement under the North-East Atlantic Fisheries Commission
(NEAFC).
Skedsmo, Pål Wilter Russisk
sivilsamfunn og norske hjelpere ('Russian Civil Society and its Norwegian
Benefactors') Trondheim, Tapir Academic Press, 2010, 100 p. In
Norwegian. > For orders,
contact Tapir Academic Press or
download information
sheet
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Norwegian support to
the emerging Russian civil society has been quite extensive. Norwegian
organisations have especially been involved in projects in the Russian part of
the Barents region. Many Russian environmental and human rights organisations
depend heavily on its foreign donors and partners, and faces resistance at
home. This book discusses the rationale behind supporting Russian civil society
and how various Norwegian financed projects have developed. Do these projects
lead to the empowerment and independence sought for among its Russian partners,
or in fact a kind of dependency? The book also discusses how the relationships
between Russian civil society and Russian authorities have developed in a
setting where foreign funded organisations quite often are accused of promoting
foreign interests. Given this context the book also discusses whether and in
what form continued Norwegian support for Russian civil society might be
developed.
Jørgensen, Jørgen Holten Russisk
svalbardpolitikk: Svalbard sett fra den andre siden ('Russian Politics on
Spitsbergen: Spitsbergen Seen from the Other Side') Trondheim, Tapir
Academic Press, 2010, 100 p. In Norwegian. > For orders, contact Tapir
Academic Press or download information
sheet
In no other places do Norway and Russia meet so closely and
intensely as on Spitsbergen. A Russian community under Norwegian jurisdiction
is indeed one of the peculiar characters of Svalbard, offering particular
challenges for both sides. Russia has for long had a significant presence on
Spitsbergen, and the mining town of Barentsburg is for the Russians more than
just a curious reminder of the Soviet past. Despite its geographical location
far up in the Arctic Ocean, Spitsbergen is a place where high politics and
international law issues still are under debate. Do Norwegian environment
regulations violate the free and unhindered access principles set by the
Spitsbergen Treaty? Who has the jurisdiction to arrest Russian trawlers in the
Fishery Protection Zone? These questions are understood differently in Russia
than in Norway, which is reflected in Russia's politics on the archipelago. As
opposed to most other books on Spitsbergen, this book takes as a point of
departure the Russian view on Spitsbergen and aims at exploring the political
and economic factors that justify the Russian presence on Spitsbergen and in
the surrounding waters, with and emphasis on the period after the collapse of
the Soviet Union.
Moe, Arild and
Øystein Jensen Opening of New
Arctic Shipping Routes Standard Briefing. Brussels,
Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union, European Parliament,
2010, 16p. >
Download full report
Neither the Northwest nor the Northeast Passage
has so far become important in international shipping. Nevertheless, the
prospects should be re-assessed in light of new circumstances in the Arctic,
especially the changing ice situation which makes it possible to envisage a
future with drastically increased shipping activity. This paper argues,
however, that developments on the two sea routes in question today are not
straight forward. In the case of the Northwest Passage, ice problems are
expected to remain a major limiting factor for many years and the Canadian
authorities are not actively promoting international usage of the route,
something which is partly related to legal controversies over the status of the
passage. In the case of the Northeast Passage, Russia actively advertises its
Northern Sea Route, seeing rapidly improving ice conditions. However, the
commercial conditions remain uncertain and necessary investments in icebreakers
and infrastructure are so far missing. The Northern Sea Route may, besides its
regional usage, especially in the western part, have the potential for limited
transits in the most favourable season. The Russian vision of year-round
transit traffic seems quite unrealistic within the perspective of this
decade.
Moe, Arild 'Russisk rulett' ('Russian
Roulette') In Arbo, Peter and Bjørn Hersoug (eds),
Oljevirksomhetens inntog i nord: Næringsutvikling, politikk og
samfunn. Oslo, Gyldendal Akademisk, 2010, pp. 282-304. In Norwegian. >
For more information and orders, see Gyldendal's website
The Russian
part of the Barents sea is considered a very promising petroleum region and
several important discoveries have been made. The exploration activity has
nevertheless been limited and announced licensing rounds have not been
implemented. Thus there is no offshore production in this ocean yet. The
article reviews and explains developments by discussing the interests of the
Russian industry, weaknesses in the regulatory framework and overall
priorities. In the last few years Arctic offshore has gained a much more
prominent position among Russian energy policy goals, but contradictions with
other goals limit the effectiveness of offshore policies. Particular attention
is given to the Prirazlomnoye oil project which has met many problems and the
prospects for realisation of the Shtokman gas project - and its implications
for Norway.
Jensen, Leif
Christian 'Norsk oljeboring for å hjelpe miljøet:
Diskurskooptering som nytt analytisk begrep' ('Norwegian Oil Drilling to Help
the Environment: Introducing "Discourse Cooptation" as a New Analytical
Term'). Norsk Statsvitenskapelig Tidsskrift, Vol 26, No 3, 2010,
pp. 185-203. In Norwegian. > Purchase the original article
here or download the
post-print version here
In
this article, the term «discourse-cooptation» is introduced based
on an empiric phenomenon discovered in a discourse analysis of the Norwegian
petroleum debate concerning petroleum extraction in the Barents Sea. The
phenomenon in question is how a discourse [drilling for the environment] in a
discursive battle enters the core of the opposing discourse [no to drilling],
turning its logic on its head into a core component of its own make up. One
discourse is left with a new powerful component, while the other seems
proportionally weakened, not unlike the logic in a classic zero-sum game: The
«aggressive» discourse is not only strengthened in absolute terms,
it has gained relative to the other. The article draws on cooptation in general
and cooptive processes in Norway more specifically to present the following
definition: Discourse cooptation describes how a discourse enters the core of
another discourse in a discursive battle, turns its logic on its head, which
creates a new line of reasoning, and contributes to reestablishing hegemony and
political support.
Hønneland,
Geir Borderland Russians: Identity, Narrative and International
Relations Hardback version: Basingstoke/New York, Palgrave
Macmillan, 2010, 208 p. Revised, paperback version: Basingstoke/New York,
Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, 200 p. > For orders,
contact Palgrave Macmillan > See
related FNI News article > See book review in
Polar Record >
See book review in Arctic Review on Law and Politics
The book
discusses some of the big questions in social science: What is identity? How is
it narrated by subjects? What is the role of identity and narrative in the
study of international relations? The location is the Kola Peninsula, the most
heavily militarized area of the world during the Cold War, now set to become
Europe's next big oil playground. The author looks at how living close to the
border affects people, and whether borderland people are different from other
people. Above all, he asks empirical questions about identities in a specific
geographic location, discussing what it means to be Russian, what it means to
be a northerner and how people in Russia's north-western corner define
themselves in relation to their Scandinavian neighbours and their southern
relatives. This is a book about the nature of borderland Russians - living in
the high north, hailing from the south, with Western neighbours within throwing
distance across an increasingly permeable border.
Tvedt, Morten Walløe 'Patent law and
bioprospecting in Antarctica' Polar Record, Vol 47, No 1, 2010,
pp. 46-55 > Download full-text
article
The number of patents and patent applications related to
inventions based on biological material from the Antarctic is increasing.
Bioprospecting in the Antarctic is happening with no explicit regulation of
property rights or benefit sharing requirements. This leaves patent law as the
only legal system to establish exclusive rights to genes, bacteria, and other
biological material found in the Antarctic. Patent law is general in form and
is applied to all areas of invention with very few adaptations to single fields
of innovation. Therefore, it is interesting to identify the issues in patent
law in cases in which the biological material from the Antarctic is likely to
create challenges or loopholes. The aim of this article is to couple the
understanding of this particular legal regime and of biological circumstances
in the Antarctic with knowledge of the international patent system for the
purpose of contributing to the work of the Antarctic Treaty Consultative
Meetings (ATCMs) regarding bioprospecting in the Antarctic.
Rottem, Svein Vigeland 'Klima og sikkerhet i
Arktis' ('Climate and Security in the Arctic') Internasjonal
Politikk, Vol 68, No 2, 2010, pp. 183-204. In Norwegian. > Purchase full-text
article
The Arctic and High North are enjoying a renaissance.
According to some observers interest in the regions natural resources
could take on a military aspect. As the receding ice cap initiates a run for
possession of whatever natural resources lie beneath the Arctic Ocean, will it
bring us to the brink of a new Cold War? Will unresolved legal issues and
deteriorating foreign relations in the wake of climate change create the
conditions for armed conflict rather than diplomatic resolution? In this
article, climate change, socio-economic consequences and questions of security
are addressed. The purpose is to show that a fruitful analysis of security
policy challenges in the north must rest on an insight into the international
legal framework on which co-existence in the region rests, the variability in
climate change projections, socio-economic challenges and opportunities and a
sober realpolitik analysis. The article concludes that a description of the
situation as «an armed mad dash for resources» seems rather
overdrawn.
Jensen, Leif
Christian and Pål Wilter
Skedsmo 'Approaching the North: Norwegian and Russian Foreign Policy
Discourses on the European Arctic' Polar Research, Vol 29, 2010,
pp. 439-450. > Purchase
full-text article
The aim of this article is to identify Norwegian
and Russian official foreign policy discourses on the European Arctic, and how
perceived challenges are understood, framed and presented by the governments in
their respective countries. The article makes use of discourse analysis to
grasp how the Norwegian "High North" strategy is framed by the Norwegian
government and, likewise, how the Russian approach to the European Arctic is
framed by the Russian government. The empirical foundation is a study of
primary texts such as white papers, official reports, speeches and strategies.
We find that the Norwegian approach to the High North features in a powerful
official discourse resulting from a robust and broad domestic discursive
mobilization. The Russian approach is that of an increasingly assertive nation
for which the zero-sum game and relative gains seem to be the main rationale,
judging by the official discourse. The Russian approach is not as coherent or
based on a broad discursive mobilization as in Norway's case. However, as the
countries have some important common frames of references, a favourable climate
for extended future cooperation could be further developed.
Rowe, Lars and Geir
Hønneland 'Norge og Russland: Tilbake til normaltilstanden'
('Norway and Russia: Back to Normality') Nordisk Østforum,
Vol 24, No 2, 2010, pp. 133-147. In Norwegian. > Purchase the original
article here or download the
post-print version here
The Norwegian-Russian
relationship from the time of the Soviet collapse in 1991 to the present is
discussed in this article. It is argued, in a historical perspective, that the
1990s must be understood as an anomaly or, alternatively, a state of emergency.
With the post-Soviet economy in ruins, previously unthinkable opportunities
began to open up. It is asserted that this state of emergency has now come to
an end. Assisted by soaring petroleum prices, President Vladimir Putin was able
to lead his country out of the transitional misery and towards what he, and the
average Russian, would perceive as Russias rightful place in
international politics. Although this is a well-known fact, it is evident that
some sectors of the Norwegian public and foreign aid establishment are still
stuck in the 1990s in their perception of Russia. We therefore recommend that
all projects involving Norwegian aid to Russian recipients be
terminated.
Hønneland, Geir and
Lars Rowe 'Hva er
nordområdepolitikk? Utfordringer innenrikspolitisk, i
nærområdene og globalt' ('High North Politics: What Is It?
Domestic, Regional and Global Challenges') Plan, No 2, 2010, pp.
10-15. In Norwegian. > Purchase the original article
here or or download the
post-print version here
This article examines the developing meaning of the term
"Nordområdepolitikk" ("High North politics"), a catchphrase of recent
Norwegian politics. The term was not widely used in the early 2000s, and then
only in a security policy context. A few years later, the term was used
everywhere, related to topics as diverse as environmental monitoring, culture,
bioprospecting and education. But foreign policy always looms in the
background.
Moe, Arild and
Valery Kryukov 'Oil Exploration in Russia: Prospects for Reforming a
Crucial Sector' Eurasian Geography and Economics, Vol 51, No 3,
2010, pp. 312-329. > Access full-text
version here (subscribers only)
The article analyses Russias
policy response to developments in its mineral resources base (often perceived
as an exploration crisis), with a focus on oil. The authors review and discuss
trends in exploration (including its organization and efficiency), recent
developments in its financing, and the reorganization of exploration activity.
The evolution of Russias licensing system is presented, drawing attention
to changes that have affected incentives, risks, and barriers to potential
resource users, both Russian and foreign. Also identified are conflicts between
the objectives of resource managers and broader political goals and
interests.
Jensen, Leif Christian,
Øystein Jensen and
Svein Vigeland Rottem 'Sitting on Top of
the World: The Arctic Seen through Norwegian Lenses' In Viviane du
Castel (ed), Le Grand Nord: Un nouvel enjeu trés courtisé.
L'exemple de la mer de Barents, Norvége. Paris, L'Harmattan, 2010,
pp. 19-30.
>
For more information and orders, see L'Harmattan's website
The
chapter portrays and discusses the perceived main challenges facing Norway in
the European Arctic in the short- and middle-long term. The analysis is based
on official Norwegian documents and statements, which we let represent
'Norwegian perceptions'. We apply a discursive, Foucauldian perspective to the
challenges and issues facing the Norwegian government in the European Arctic.
We identify three main issue areas which function as nodal points for the
official Norwegian discourse. These are: Resource and environmental management,
low tension and law of the sea, preserve and protect sovereignty. Our aim is to
shed light on the Norwegian reality, including perceptions of challenges,
opportunities and priorities in the European Arctic. We assume these
perspectives on a Norwegian reality will be seen as interesting and relevant to
hold up against "French perceptions" or perhaps even "European perceptions" -
if there is such a thing as a European perception - of this rich, (still)
ice-covered wasteland on top of the world.
Offerdal, Kristine 'Arctic Energy in EU Policy:
Arbitrary Interest in the Norwegian High North' Arctic, Vol 63,
No 1, 2010, pp. 30-42. > Download
full-text version
In challenging times for European energy
security, the European Union (EU) is seeking to extend its energy policy
powers. At the same time, with its message that the High North represents
diversification away from less stable energy regions, Norway is trying to get
attention in Brussels. This article inquires into the place of Norway and its
Arctic oil and gas in the processes of developing an Energy Policy for Europe
and the Northern Dimension Initiative. Central questions to be addressed are
whether Norwegian Arctic areas are emerging as a new energy region to rely on
for diversified oil and gas imports for the European Union, and whether Norway,
as a small state but a major energy exporter with a considerable part of the
Barents Sea shelf, is able to take advantage of this position in its diplomatic
relations with Brussels. The study shows that Norway has managed to use its
Arctic oil and gas to create awareness of the Norwegian High North in Brussels
between 2006 and 2008, but these efforts have not resulted in more active
political interest on the part of the EU. A combination of institutional
confusion in the EU, lack of coherence and clarity in the Norwegian High North
initiative, and Norways established reputation as an energy supplier
place important constraints on the prospects for more concrete political
attention from the EU, and thus on Norways ability to take advantage of
its High North oil and gas in a foreign policy context.
Hønneland, Geir and
Lars Rowe Nordområdene
hva nå? ('The High North What Now?') Trondheim, Tapir
Academic Press, 2010, 151 p. In Norwegian. > For orders, contact Tapir
Academic Press or download information
sheet
There has been an increase in political attention to the High
North since the turn of the millennium - globally, regionally in northern
Europe and in internal Norwegian politics. This book gives an overview of
current Norwegian politics in the High North, with an emphasis on the
institutionalized collaboration with Russia as well as legal and geopolitical
challenges in the Barents Sea region. The authors discuss whether a global race
for the Arctic is indeed taking place, and they discuss the limits of what
should count as High North politics in internal Norwegian affairs. They also
ask some challenging questions about Norwegian financial support to
Russia.
Jensen, Øystein and
Svein Vigeland Rottem 'The Politics of
Security and International Law in Norway's Arctic Waters' Polar
Record, Vol 46, 2010, pp. 75-83. > Download full-text version
(PDF)
Security policy challenges in the high north should be
approached both as an insight into the international legal framework on which
co-existence in the region rests and as a sober realpolitik analysis. Against
this background, the objective of this article is to paint a more balanced
picture of security policy options in Norway's Arctic waters, rather than
observing contemporary general discourse on the topic might suggest. Management
of marine resources, delimitation of unresolved maritime boundaries and
relations with Russia in the northern maritime areas are used as examples to
substantiate our main thesis which is that dispassionate diplomacy is more
likely to resolve disputes than is military confrontation.
Stokke,
Olav Schram, 'Protecting the Arctic Environment: The Interplay of
Global and Regional Regimes' The Yearbook of Polar Law, Vol 1,
2009, pp. 349-370. > For more
information and orders, see Brill's website
What is the best
division of labour between Arctic environmental institutions and the broader
institutions whose spatial ambits include but exceed the Arctic? The article
examines this question by narrowing in on the interplay of international
institutions, especially on how such interplay may influence regime
effectiveness. In focus are such salient regional and broader institutions in
Arctic environmental governance as the Arctic Council and the global oceans
regime based on the United Nations Law of the Sea Convention, and the interplay
between regional and global regimes in five areas of Arctic environmental
governance: climate change, inflows of hazardous compounds, regional toxics,
offshore petroleum activities, and maritime transport. The controversy over the
role of Arctic institutions in the overall governance system originates in
differing positions on the need for international regulation or on the
usefulness of Arctic-level governance as compared to other levels. Functional
interdependencies as well as legal and political realities mean that the
problem-solving potential of Arctic institutions varies considerably across
issue areas - and that point calls into question the wisdom of recent proposals
for a comprehensive and legally binding treaty for Arctic environmental
protection.
Hønneland, Geir 'Cross-Border
Cooperation in the North: The Case of Northwest Russia' In Wilson Rowe,
Elana (ed), Russia and the North. Ottawa, University of Ottawa Press,
2009, pp. 35-52.
> For more
information and orders, see University of Ottawa Press
The Kola
Peninsula in the north-western corner of the Russian Federation was one of the
most heavily militarized regions of the world a couple of decades ago, and
largely closed to foreigners. Still home to the Russian Northern Fleet, it is
assumed that the influence of the military and other power institutions is more
significant here than elsewhere in Russia, and that this would reduce the
potential for international cooperation. However, the region has since the end
of the Cold War been drawn into a network of international collaboration of a
civilian nature with its Nordic neighbors. This chapter gives a brief overview
of the BEAR partnership and the bilateral cooperation between Russia and Norway
on fisheries management and environmental protection, including nuclear safety,
in the Barents Sea region. The latter section also touches briefly upon
multilateral initiatives for nuclear safety on the Kola Peninsula. Towards the
end of the chapter the implications of political developments and changing
priorities on the Russian side are discussed.
Jørgensen, Anne-Kristin 'Recent
Developments in the Russian Fisheries Sector' In Wilson Rowe, Elana
(ed), Russia and the North. Ottawa, University of Ottawa Press, 2009,
pp. 87-106. > For more
information and orders, see University of Ottawa Press
In the course
of the last decade and a half, the Russian fisheries sector has earned a
reputation as being inefficient, criminalized and unreformable. Fundamental
disagreements among decision makers on how the sector should be managed have
frustrated all attempts to create a stable legal and institutional framework
for the fisheries, despite a general consensus that stability and
predictability are crucial factors if the current stagnation is to be overcome.
In the chapter it is argued that the sector has been caught in a 'vicious cycle
of reform': A number of major reorginazations since the early 1990s, aimed at
improving the sector's performance, have instead resulted in a gradual loss of
valuable expertise. Moreover, the continuous changes in the legal and
institutional framework have caused business actors to focus on short-term
rather than long-term gains, resulting in, inter alia, a very low investment
rate and widespread poaching and overfishing. However, over the last couple of
years the Russian political leadership has given increasing attention to the
problems in the fisheries sector, and some progress has been made, particularly
in the field of law-making.
Moe,
Arild and Elana Wilson Rowe 'Northern Offshore Oil and Gas Resources:
Policy Challenges and Approaches' In Wilson Rowe, Elana (ed), Russia
and the North. Ottawa, University of Ottawa Press, 2009, pp. 107-128.
> For more
information and orders, see University of Ottawa Press
The aim of
this chapter is to assess the place of offshore petroleum development in the
context of overall Russian energy priorities and to examine the evolution of
offshore policy and strategy at both the federal and company (Gazprom and
Rosneft) levels. The chapter first reviews some key developments in Russian
energy policy since 2005 before examining Russian governmental offshore policy
development. The offshore strategies of the two companies likely to play a
prominent role in Russian offshore development, Rosneft and Gazprom, as well as
the interactions thus far between these two companies are then outlined. In
tracing the often troubled and halting evolution of federal policy and
practice, the question of the extent to which the strategic importance assigned
to offshore petroleum reserves is translating into coordinated, strategic
action and long-term policy thinking is raised and discussed in the concluding
section.
Rottem, Svein Vigeland Hva forsvarer
Norge? Det norske forsvarets møte med en ny virkelighet ('What is Norway
Defending? The Norwegian Defence'e Encounter With a New
Reality') Doctoral dissertation, Department of Political Science,
Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tromsø. Tromsø, Faculty
of Social Sciences, University of Tromsø, 2009, 193 p. > Read related FNI news release
The
dissertation is mainly empirically based, and seeks to understand Norwegian
defence and security policies in the period 1999-2006. This was a period when
the Norwegian defence was re-dimensioned for a new reality and where we
witnessed its transformation from a mobilization-based defence into a
relatively proactive Norwegian military. The dissertation analyzes three
overarching approaches to recent Norwegian defence and security policies:
Defence of ideals, (NATO) alliance obligations and Defence of territorial
sovereignty and sovereign rights.
Offerdal, Kristine 'The European Arctic
in US Foreign Energy Policy: The Case of the Norwegian High
North' Polar Record, Vol 45, 2009, pp. 59-72. > Download full-text version (PDF) or
access it here on the
website of the copyright holder Cambridge University Press (subscribers
only)
The article examines how US policy makers relate ot the European
Arctic as an oil and gas region. The "high north" is defined as the Norwegian
and Russian sectors of the Barents Sea. The Norwegian assumption that northern
oil and gas is of interest to the international community is tested by
analysing and explaining the character of the US approach, with an assessment
of whether Norway has succeeded in influencing how the USA views the high north
as an energy region. Norway has managed to raise the awareness of the high
north as an energy region in Washington, but the interest in the topic has been
moderate. Moreover, Norwegian policy makers in the first phase of the high
north initiative have misinterpreted US officials' definition of the situation
in which Washington's foreign energy policy is developed. Ironically, Norway's
"exemplary" energy policy has led to less response than was initially expected,
whereas Russia seems to be of significantly greater interest for the USA. With
its relatively small resource potential, straightforward investment climate and
unclear hight north strategy, Norway and its high north do not stand out as
very interesting to the USA, which tends to direct more attention to cases in
which its oil and gas companies work under more uncertain investment framework
conditions in regions with huge energy resources.
Aasjord, Bente and
Geir Hønneland 'Hvem kan telle
"den fisk under vann"? Kunnskapsstrid i russisk havforskning' ('Who Can Count
"the Fish under Water"? Knowledge Dispute in Russian Ocean
Research') Nordisk Østforum, Vol 22, No 4, 2008, pp.
289-312. In Norwegian. >
Download full-text PDF version (provided by NUPI)
The Russian federal ocean research
institute VNIRO has recently introduced new models for estimation of fish
stocks. Among these are the so-called GIS and Synoptical methods, which both
indicate a significantly larger amount of Northeast Atlantic cod than the
current assessments by the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea
(ICES). While ICES methods are based on scientific surveys, the new
Russian methods build on catch data from the fishing fleet. So far, ICES has
not found the scientific basis of the proposed alternatives strong enough to
reject the current method. This scepticism is shared by the leading Norwegian
and Russian scientific institutes involved in the assessment of the Barents Sea
cod. The article discusses three possible driving forces behind the Russian
promotion of the new methods. First, there are knowledge-based driving forces:
There are obvious margins of error in ICES current methods, and the new
Russian methods offer an alternative approach. Second, there are political
ones: ICES has introduced the precautionary approach to tackle the scientific
uncertainty to the benefit of the fish stocks, but this approach seems to enjoy
little legitimacy in Russian fisheries circles, being perceived as introduced
by the West to support specific Western interests. Third, there are
economically based explanations: There are obvious incentives for Russian
fishers to give priority to short-term gain, and actors in the Russian
fisheries bureaucracy likewise have incentives to support this
strategy.
Rowe, Lars 'Det brysomme nikkelverket' ('The
Troublesome Nickel Plant') Fortid, Vol 5, No 4, 2008, pp. 23-28.
In Norwegian. >
Download entire journal (PDF)
When the Norwegian-Soviet
Environmental Commision was established in 1988, one immediate concern was the
pollution stemming from the nickel plant in Pechenga in Murmansk county,
Northwest Russia. Although situated on the Russian side of the border, the
pollution from this industry has been labelled "Norway's biggest environmental
problem". Several projects, under the auspices of the commission, have since
been developed to limit the pollution - none of which succeded. This article
describes three comprehensive programmes for limitation of the pollution, and
discusses why none of them were brought to fruition. It also briefly describes
some differences in the Russian and Norwegian approach to environmental
issues.
Moe, Arild 'The Russian Barents Sea: Openings
for Norway?' In Gottemoeller, R. and R. Tamnes (eds), High North:
High Stakes. Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, pp. 75-85.
> For more
information and orders, see Fagbokforlaget
For many years, the
prospects for developing the hydrocarbon resources on the continental shelf in
the Russian part of the Barents Sea have attracted interest not only in Russia
but also in neighbouring Norway. Substantial discoveries have been made and
expectations of further discoveries are big and well founded, but considerable
exploration must be carried out to establish a more certain picture of
reserves. Two projects are under development: the giant Shtokman gas field and
the Prirazlomnoye oil field. Current Russian shipping and offshore capacity is
clearly inadequate for an expansive offshore development programme, however.
The goal of rapid development of the Arctic con¬tinental shelf relying
mainly on domestic equipment and services does not seem attainable. Russia will
either have to accept more foreign involvement, or scale down its offshore
ambitions.
Hønneland,
Geir and Lars Rowe Fra svarte
skyer til helleristninger: Norsk-russisk miljøvernsamarbeid gjennom 20
år ('From Dark Skies to Rock Carvings: 20 Years of Norwegian-Russian
Environmental Cooperation') Trondheim, Tapir Academic Press, 2008,
186 p. In Norwegian. >
For orders, contact Tapir Academic Press > Read related FNI news release
The
topic of this book is the history of the first twenty years of cooperation
within the framework of the Joint Norwegian-Soviet/Russian Environmental
Commission. Established in 1988, the Norwegian-Soviet commission was an
important first step towards solving some of the shared environmental problems
in the border area. The most prominent issue has been the pollution channeled
through the smokestacks at the nickel plant in Petchenga, but the commission
has also dealt with other areas of interest, most notably nuclear waste on the
Kola Peninsula and in the Barents Sea, biodiversity, preservation of cultural
heritage sites and cleansing of industrial activity. In part I of this book,
the authors review the establishment and development of the commission in light
of the general political development, where the breakdown of the Soviet Union
and Russia's post-Soviet challenges are important factors. Part II is devoted
to in depth analysis of the issue of industrial pollution in the border area,
the cooperation on radioactive safety, the close border-collaboration, the
preservation of shared cultural heritage sites, biodiversity and marine and
terrestrial environment.
Offerdal, Kristine 'Det norske
nordområdeinitiativet og USA: Utenriks- eller energipolitikk?' ('The
Norwegian High North Initiative and USA: Foreign or Energy
Policy?') Internasjonal Politikk, Vol 66, Nos 2-3, 2008, pp.
349-372. In Norwegian. > Download
full-text PDF version (provided by NUPI)
This article argues that the High
North initiative, with which Norway has been pressing its case in Washington,
has exposed internal conflicts of interest within government in Norway that
have marked Norway's dealings with the US Departments of State and Energy by
ambiguity and inconsistency. Efforts to promote the Barents Sea as an energy
province have largely failed to ignite widespread political interest in
Washington. The US views few political rewards of an energy or foreign policy
nature from strengthening its engagement in the Norwegian High North. The
article concludes that Norway's self-image as a reliable, stable energy
producer combines with the expectations of Western importing states to
constrain opportunities to politicize relations with importing states on
energy-related matters. It also argues that while the High North policy has
attempted to re-kindle notions of the north as an important region and
refashion the old Cold War image of Norway, Russia still seems to be the
determinative element in Norway's relations with important allies.
Rottem, Svein Vigeland,
Geir Hønneland and
Leif Christian Jensen Småstat og
energistormakt: Norges sikkerhetspolitiske rolle i nord ('Small State and
Energy Great Power: Norway's Security-Policy Role in the High
North') Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, 136 p. In Norwegian. > For orders,
contact Fagbokforlaget
Recent years have seen an increase in
interest in international relations in the High North. To a larger extent than
during the Cold War, security is now seen to include issues of resource
extraction, and interest coalitions among states are less stable and
transparent. The book discusses the dilemmas that Norway faces related to
jurisdiction and enforcement in the Barents Sea region. Applying theories on
soft and hard power in international relations, the authors discuss challenges
related to foreign fishing activities in the Fisheries Protection Zone around
Svalbard, increased petroleum activity in the Barents Sea and oil transport
along the Norwegian coast from field further east in Russia. They also discuss
coordination challenges between military and civilian authorities, within the
Norwegian armed forces and between Norwegian and Russian
authorities.
Aasjord, Bente and Geir Hønneland Hvem kan telle den
fisk under vann? En analyse av aktører og drivkrefter i norsk-russisk
fiskeriforskningssamarbeid ('Who Can Count the Fish under Water? An analysis of
Actors and Driving Forces in Norwegian-Russian Cooperation on Fisheries
Research') HBO-rapport 3/2008. Bodø, Bodø University
College, 2008. 76 p, In Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF version
(5.1 Mb)
The report reviews challenges in the marine fisheries research
cooperation between Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea, with an emphasis on
various Norwegian and Russian actors' perceptions of alternative models for
stock estimation presented by the federal Russian fisheries research institute
VNIRO. Among these are the so-called GIS and synoptical methods, which both
indicate a significantly larger amount of Northeast Atlantic cod than assessed
by the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (ICES). While ICES'
current methods are based on catch data from the fishing fleet, the alternative
Russian methods build on catch data from the fishing fleet. VNIRO brings forth
a number of arguments to the effect that the alternative methods actually
underestimate the fish stock, while ICES has not found their scientific basis
strong enough to reject the currents methods. This scepticism is shared by the
leading Russian and Norwegian scientific institutes involved in the actual
assessment of the Barents Sea cod. The report presents three possible driving
forces in the Russian promotion of the new methods: knowledge-based,
politically based and economically based.
Hønneland,
Geir 'Kooperation an der Barentssee. Umweltschutz zwischen Russland
und Norwegen' ('Cooperation on the Barents Sea: Environmental Protection
between Russia and Norway') In
'Grünbuch.
Politische Ökologie im Osten Europas', Osteuropa, Vol 58, Nos
4-5, 2008, pp. 447-458. In German. >
Download full-text PDF version
The main cooperation schemes between
Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea region are of a different nature. The most
general one is BEAR, which in recent years has concentrated on people-to-people
projects and health issues. Environmental protection was one of the most
important goals of BEAR in its formative years, but has since largely been left
to other institutional arrangements. Arguably the most focused cooperative
arrangement, and economically most important, is the Joint Norwegian-Russian
Fisheries Commission, which sets annual quotas for some of the fish stocks of
the Barents Sea. Not unexpectedly, Russian priority is highest in fisheries
management. BEAR is largely left to regional authorities (and as far as finance
goes: to the Nordic states), which since the turn of the millennium have lost
much of the power they had at the time when this regional collaboration was
initiated. Cooperation with Norway on environmental protection is managed by
federal authorities, but here the problem is that this policy area enjoys
little priority in Russian politics.
Rottem, Svein
Vigeland 'The Ambivalent Ally: Norway in the New
NATO' Contemporary Security Policy, Vol 28, No 3, 2007, pp.
619-638. > Download full-text
post-print version (PDF) or access the definitive version
here (subscribers
only)
NATO's future has long been in question, with the core of the
debate revolving around America and other great powers. This article finds
comparable tensions among smaller members. Examining the case of Norway, it
argues that since the Cold War, Norway has lacked a clear mandate for its role
in NATO, and as such can be considered an ambivalent ally. This ambivalence is
seen when Norway reluctantly follows through on NATO policy. NATO's readiness
to act in the High North is also questioned. This article examines Norway's
NATO relations in four dimensions, collective defence and collective security,
position and values, influence and national priorities, scepticism and
reliability. Here realism and constructivsm can provide us with an analytical
backdrop to explain Norwegian ambivalence. International power structures
create and constrain windows of opportunity for Norway, but national and
international norms and identity should not be left out of the the analysis.
Norway is entangled in realist policies, but the legacy of neutrality and the
perception of Norway as a peaceful nation cannot be ignored. The result of this
tension is Norway's unsettled relationship with the new NATO.
Skedsmo, Pål 'Demokratisering og
miljøkamp på Kolahalvøya' ('Democratisation and
Environmentalism on the Kola Peninsula') Norsk
Antropologisk Tidsskrift, Vol 18, No 3-4, 2007, pp. 241-252. In
Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF
version
This article focuses on an exercise in democracy, in this
case the cooperation between organisations across the Norwegian-Russian border;
how cooperation takes place and, more specifically, how it can lead to an
unintended patron-client relationship between the Norwegian partner and the
Russian NGO called PiM. For PiM, drawing on the story lines and representations
of the democratisation discourse appears to be key. Based on fieldwork in
Murmansk, this theme is discussed and it is suggested that PiM in practice
makes use of the discourse on democratisation in an instrumental rather than
ideological manner. This is evident especially in regard to applications for
funding and in interaction with foreign actors. When PiM confronts local
bureaucrats and experts, the environmentalists appear to be dismissed as
fanatics. This process is identified as taking part within an expert discourse,
wherein participation is limited to experts only.
Hønneland, Geir and
Leif Christian Jensen Den nye
nordområdepolitikken: Barentsbilder etter årtusenskiftet ('The New
Norwegian Politics in the High North: Barents Images after the Turn of the
Millennium') Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2008, 177 p. In
Norwegian. > Read related FNI news release
> Read book review (in
UD-posten No 1, 2008, in Norwegian) > For orders,
contact Fagbokforlaget
When Jens Stoltenberg's second government
came to power in 2005, it declared the High North as a top priority in Norway's
foreign policy. It hence confirmed a development that had been underway for a
couple of years, which for the first time since the end of the Cold War placed
the northern areas on top of the country's foreign policy agenda. The book
describes the events from the turn of the millennium up to 2007 and gives an
overview of the public debates in which policy-making related to the High North
took place. Petroleum developments, fisheries management and protection of the
northern marine environment are given particular attention.
Stokke,
Olav Schram Nordic Council of Ministers' Arctic Co-operation
2003-2005: An Evaluation / Nordisk Ministerråds Arktiske samarbeid
2003-2005 En evaluering ANP report # 714 (English) and 713
(Norwegian). Copenhagen, Nordic Council of Ministers, 2007. 94 p. In Norwegian
and English.
The Nordic Council of Ministers (NCM) Arctic Co-operation
Programme 2003-05 is thematically and geographically inclusive. Among the three
main co-operation areas, projects on sustainable development have received
roughly twice as much as have each of those on indigenous issues and welfare.
All priority areas except Children and Young Adults have been in focus in two
or more relatively large project activities. The project activities examined
more closely in this study have been competently and seriously implemented.
Substantial NCM allocations have supported cross-national competence-building
and network development that are often difficult to finance from other sources.
The complementarity involved here is valuable, especially if measures are taken
within such projects to enhance the likelihood that new insights and networks
can serve to generate lasting impacts. The procedure for selecting among
project proposals under the Arctic Co-operation Programme, based largely on the
Nordic Senior Arctic Officials as members of the NCM Arctic Expert Committee
(AEC), works particularly well for proposals linked to circumpolar endeavours
under the Arctic Council. It is not well adapted to evaluate research proposals
unless those proposals attend directly to recognized policy priorities pursued
by AEC members. Sectoral expertise is brought into the evaluation process,
especially at national levels. The report makes a number of recommendations
with a view to improving intra-NCM coordination on Arctic cooperation,
evaluation of project proposals, strategic planning, dissemination of results,
and profiling of the NCM in Arctic affairs.
Kryukov, Valery and
Arild Moe 'Russia's Oil Industry: Risk
Aversion in a Risk-Prone Environment' Eurasian Geography and
Economics, Vol 48, No 3, 2007, pp. 341-357. > Access the full-text
version here
(subscribers only)
Starting in the late 1990s the performance of the
Russian oil industry impressed the world oil market. Since 2004 output has
levelled out, however. The article discusses the outlook for the industry in
the medium and long term, with a focus on the relationship between the reserve
situation and industry interests and strategies. Tendencies in the reserve
situation are presented and analysed. Oil industry investment patterns and
strategies are identified, and differences and similarities between companies
noted. Strategies and lack of incentives inhibit long-term investment in the
oil industry even where financing is available. Explanations offered
include internal factors in the companies, as well as framework conditions.
Implications for production outlook are drawn.
Jensen, Leif Christian 'Petroleum Discourse
in the European Arctic: The Norwegian Case' Polar
Record, Vol 43, No 3, 2007, pp. 247-254. > Download full-text version (PDF) or
access it here on the
website of the copyright holder Cambridge University Press (subscribers
only)
The article addresses old 'west-east discourses' and how they
continue to develop in the high north, and, not least, in the Norwegian
petroleum debate. Adopting a discourse analytical perspective the author shows
how environmental safety is used as an argument in favour of Norway producing
oil in the Barents Sea at the earliest possible moment. This is only feasible
if a connection is made in the public mind between Russia and the environment.
These views, it is argued, stem from ideas about Russia that gained currency
after the demise of the Soviet Union. While they perhaps have less to do with
Russia's petroleum industry and environmental performance today, they
nevertheless have a strong impact on how challenges in the High North and
Arctic region are perceived. And, perhaps even more importantly, they define
freedom of action and available options.
Hønneland,
Geir 'Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea: Cooperation and Conflict
in Fisheries Management' Russian Analytical Digest, No 20, 2007,
pp. 9-11. >
Download entire journal
The Barents Sea fisheries are managed
bilaterally by Norway and Russia. The Joint Norwegian-Russian Fisheries
Commission sets quotas for the most important fish stocks in the area which are
allocated according to a standard formula. The collaboration between the two
countries generally functions well, but has since the late 1990s been plagued
by disparity between scientific recommendations and established quotas, and
Norwegian claims of Russian overfishing.
This article has also been
republished in Forschungsstelle Osteuropa Bremen's Arbeitspapiere und
Materialien, Vol 97, Nov. 2007.
Rottem, Svein
Vigeland 'Forsvaret i nord avskrekking og beroligelse'
('Defence Policy in the High North - Deterrence and Reassurance') Tidsskrift
for samfunnsforskning, Vol 48, No 1, 2007, pp. 63-91. In
Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF
version
In the political debate on defence and security in Norway,
the impression is given that we are seeing radical changes in regard to its
aims and means. Without implying that we are not seeing changes, it is
suggested that Norwegian defence and security politics can still be described
as being somewhere between deterrence and reassurance, similar to during the
Cold War. With the help of theories from international politics, the ambition
of this article is not to falsify theories, realism and constructivism in this
case, in the traditional sense, but to use them as tools to illustrate the
relationship between deterrence and reassurance. The empirical main focus is on
the northern areas, which are in a unique position in regard to the
administration of resources and sovereignty. The data on which this article was
based were collected through a triangular approach, with public records,
secondary literature and interviews making up the source material.
Hønneland, Geir, Jørgen Holten
Jørgensen and Arild
Moe 'Miljøpersepsjoner i Nordvest-Russland:
Problemoppfatninger knyttet til petroleumsutbygging i Barentshavet'
('Environmental Perceptions in North-Western Russia: Perspectives on Petroleum
Development in the Barents Sea') Internasjonal Politikk, Vol 65,
No 1, 2007, pp. 7-22. In Norwegian. > Download full-text PDF
version (provided by NUPI)
The
article brings the results of an interview investigation about perspectives on
petroleum development in the Barents Sea among representatives of the
environmental bureaucracy, the petroleum industry, research institutes and
environmental NGOs in north-western Russia, St Petersburg and Moscow. The
expert opinion and experience from other ocean areas are highly valued in the
Russian debate. They indicate that offshore petroleum development may create
environmental problems, but that problems are seldom grave. Many interviewees
express unwillingness to go into hypothetical discussions about future
problems. Some environmental NGOs are more reserved in their enthusiasm than
representatives of the bureaucracy, industry and research, but they are not
opposed to offshore petroleum development. Instead, they prescribe higher
environmental standards and better measures against oil spills. The
environmental NGOs in the region can probably raise environmental awareness in
case an accident takes place.
Rowe, Lars and
Geir Hønneland
Russlandsbilder: Nye debattinnlegg om naboskap i nordområdene
('Images of Russia: New Contributions to the Debate about Neighbourhood in the
High North') Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2007, 114 p. In
Norwegian. > Read related FNI news
release (in Norwegian) > For more
information and orders, contact Fagbokforlaget
The book consists of
a selection of pictures from the Kola Peninsula and commentary articles about
Russian politics and relations between Norway and Russia in the High North,
written by FNI researchers and published in Norwegian newspapers over the last
few years. The first part of the book is devoted to main trends in Russian
politics, with a particular focus on the development of Russian democracy and
civil society. The second part contains articles about jurisdiction and
fisheries management in the Barents Sea, and the third part commentaries to
Russian-Norwegian collaboration in energy, health and environmental regulation.
The book reflects the Norwegian debate about Russia in an accessible way and
should be of interest both to those who are already involved in cooperation
with Russians and those who would like to know more about this part of
Norwegian foreign policy in the High North.
The book is the first in a
series of three books about Norwegian politics in the High North, written by
FNI researchers and to be published by Fagbokforlaget during 2007.
Hønneland, Geir and Jørgen Holten
Jørgensen Moderne russisk politik: En indføring i
Ruslands politiske system ('Contemporary Russian Politics: An Introduction to
Russia's Political System') Copenhagen, Forlaget Samfundslitteratur,
2007, 168 p. In Danish. >
For more information and orders, contact Forlaget
Samfundslitteratur
This book surveys the political system and
bureaucratic apparatus of the Russian Federation. The authors describe the
basic features of the Russian Constitution, the major political federal
institutions, and the relationship between the federal and the regional
authorities. Then follows a chapter on sectors of particular importance for the
Nordic countries, including fisheries management, petroleum policy and
environmental protection. The media, NGOs, and civil society organizations are
also discussed. The volume is well suited as a textbook, especially for
students of Russian, political science, East European studies and journalism.
It is indispensable for Scandinavians whose work brings them in contact with
Russian policies and administration, and who need a deeper understanding of the
background to their Russian partners.
The book is a revised and updated
version of the title published in Norwegian in
2006.
Stokke, Olav Schram and
Geir Hønneland
(eds) International Cooperation and Arctic Governance: Regime
Effectiveness and Northern Region Building London, Routledge, 2007,
196 p. (Hardback) London, Routledge, 2010, 196 p. (Paperback) > Read related FNI news release > Read book review (in
Cooperation and Conflict) > For more information and orders, see
Routledge's website:
Hardback /
Paperback
The
post-Cold War era has seen an upsurge in interest in Arctic affairs. With new
international regimes targeting Arctic issues at both the global and regional
levels, the Northern areas seem set to play an increasingly prominent role in
the domestic and foreign policies of the Arctic states and actors not
least Russia, the USA and the EU. The book distinguishes between three key
kinds of impact: Effectiveness, defined as mitigation or removal of
specific problems addressed by a regime; political mobilization,
highlighting changes in the pattern of involvement and influence in decision
making on Arctic affairs; and region building, understood as
contributions by Arctic institutions to denser interactive or discursive
connectedness among the inhabitants of the region. Empirically, the main focus
is on three institutions: the Arctic Council, the Barents Euro-Arctic Region
and the Council of the Baltic Sea States. Issue areas such as pollution,
biodiversity, indigenous affairs, health and climate change are
covered.
Rowe, Lars and
Geir Hønneland 'Communicable
Disease Control' In Stokke, Olav Schram and Geir Hønneland (eds),
International Cooperation and Arctic Governance: Regime Effectiveness and
Northern Region Building. London, Routledge, 2007, pp. 50-78. >
See Routledge for more information about the book
Health issues came
to the fore in the international Arctic collaboration in the late 1990s when
alarming figures emerged about the spread of new and re-emerging communicable
diseases, especially HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis. Lars Rowe and Geir
Hønneland discuss the main experiences of the Barents Health programme
(BEAR) and the Task Force on Communicable Disease Control in the Baltic Sea
Region (CBSS). Both initiatives have focused on improving the capabilities of
post-Soviet states for halting the spread of communicable diseases,
particularly through introducing the World Health Organization's (WHO) regime
for tuberculosis control. To the extent possible, Rowe and Hønneland
assess the effectiveness of these responses as well as their mobilizing and
region building impact.
Stokke, Olav
Schram, Geir Hønneland and
Peter Johan Schei 'Pollution and
Conservation' In Stokke, Olav Schram and Geir Hønneland (eds),
International Cooperation and Arctic Governance: Regime Effectiveness and
Northern Region Building. London, Routledge, 2007, pp. 78-111. >
See Routledge for more information about the book
Four environmental
issues an the role of Arctic institutions in managing them, are in focus:
improving monitoring, reducing discharges of hazardous substances, enhancing
nuclear safety, and protecting biodiversity. Environmental monitoring has
emerged as a specialization of the Arctic Council and is an area where this
institution has made a significant difference. Findings have been fed into
broader international efforts to regulate discharges of persistent organic
pollutants and heavy metals, and has contributed somewhat to strengthening the
position of those who favoured more ambitious regulation. Most of the
monitoring, technology transfer and construction of storage and treatment
facilities to improve nuclear safety in Northwestern Russia has been organized
and financed by institutions other than those examined here, largely on a
bilateral basis or drawing upon EU or US funds. The Arctic Council in
particular has invested considerable energy in developing guidelines on the
safe conduct of Arctic operations, especially with respect to oil, gas and
shipping activities, and for certain specific conservation issues. None of
those are legally binding, however, and there are no structures or procedures
for systematic review of whether those soft law instruments are implemented by
Arctic states or operators. Networks generated and maintained by the Arctic
Council and the Barents Euro-Arctic Region have had some mobilizing, or
empowering, effect on indigenous peoples organizations, environmental
researchers and civil servants at the regional level of governance. Networks
that have emerged within the environmental sector of the Arctic Council and the
BEAR encourage participants to view the environmental challenges faced in the
region within a Northern frame. That said, such a framing is limited by the
circumstance that some of the most pressing Arctic pollution issues originates
in industrial activities further south and solving even some of those
that relate to regional activities, such as nuclear safety, will require
participation from outside the Arctic.
Stokke, Olav
Schram 'International Institutions and Arctic Governance' In
Stokke, Olav Schram and Geir Hønneland (eds), International
Cooperation and Arctic Governance: Regime Effectiveness and Northern Region
Building. London, Routledge, 2007, pp. 164-185. >
See Routledge for more information about the book
This chapter
provides comparative analysis of how Arctic institutions affect regional
connectedness, political involvement, and specific problem solving in five
issue areas that rank high on Arctic political agendas. Starting from a low
level, functional and discursive regionality is now on the rise in the Arctic.
The institutions examined here have contributed to the development and
maintenance of networks that nurture both aspects. Interaction within such
networks is broadened by the involvement of province-level authorities and
civil society groups, including indigenous organizations. Discursively, the
emphasis of the Arctic Council on circumpolar environmental monitoring and
indigenous issues has directed greater attention within the region, and
beyond to the Arctic dimension of some global issues, like hazardous
substances and climate change. Still, other levels of governance will continue
to offer equally or more powerful instruments on many issues. Arctic
institutions are the most effective make the biggest difference
when they focus on activities or problem aspects where they enjoy niche
advantages: where distinctive features of Arctic institutions make them better
placed than others to extract or utilize the resources needed for problem
solving. The cognitive, or fact-finding, niche is the one most widely chosen by
Arctic institutions, especially within the Arctic Council. Normative
contributions are far more limited, largely echoing broader international
regimes already in existence. In the regulation of hazardous pollutants, Arctic
institutions have served as platforms for efforts to influence spatially
broader regulatory processes partly by feeding in research findings on
Arctic vulnerabilities, and partly by prodding Arctic states to take a more
common stand on issues of concern. Finally, a capacity enhancement niche has
been carved out in certain areas such as communicable diseases, cleaner
production in process industries, and safer storage and treatment of hazardous
waste.
Moe, Arild 'Sjtokman-beslutningen:
Forklaringer og implikasjoner' ('The Shtokman Decision: Explanations and
Implications') Nordisk Østforum, Vol 20, No 4, 2006, pp.
389-403. In Norwegian. > Download
full-text version (PDF)
On 9 October 2006, Russias
state-dominated gas company Gazprom declared a halt to the tender process for
the giant Shtokman gas field, and that it was no longer interested in foreign
ownership in the project. The plans to construct an LNG plant were also
shelved. Instead Gazprom announced that it would develop the field on its own,
and channel the gas via pipelines to European markets. This article offers
various explanations for the decision.
There have clearly been conflicts
within Gazprom about priorities. The final decision was, however, most probably
taken outside the company, with the active involvement of President Putin. The
political considerations involved include a generally negative attitude to
foreign companies and the lack of a supportive international political
environment, but also the need to prioritize onshore field development to meet
expected gas demand. The plans for a revised project under Gazprom's leadership
seems unrealistic, and the overtures to Europe unconvincing. Even if the
decision to shelve the project can be understandable, some of its elements
indicate that the decision-making process was not thorough, probably due to
centralization and administrative overload in the presidential
administration.
Jensen, Leif Christian 'Boring som
miljøargument? Norske petroleumsdiskurser i nordområdene
('Drilling for the Environment? Norwegian Petroleum Discourses in the High
North'). Internasjonal Politikk, Vol 64, No 3, 2006, pp. 295-309.
In Norwegian. > Download full-text
PDF version (provided by NUPI)
Based on discourse analysis as a
framework, the article examines how advocates of drilling have managed to get
wide acceptance in the public sphere for their argument that Norway "must drill
to help the environment". Such a statement is only possible if there are
certain widely held perceptions in the Norwegian public about Russia and the
environment. These perceptions have little to do with recent experience
regarding Russian petroleum industry or Russian environmental standards in
general, but have more to do with notions which date back to the collapse of
the Soviet Union.
Hønneland,
Geir 'Power Institutions and International Collaboration on the Kola
Peninsula' The Journal of Power Institutions In Post-Soviet
Societies, Issue 4/5, 2006, online edition. > Full-text version available
at PIPSS' website
The article discusses how international
cooperative projects have contributed to increased interaction between civilian
authorities and the military or other power agencies in Murmansk Oblast. The
cases of fisheries enforcement, nuclear safety and the fight against
communicable diseases, especially tuberculosis in prisons, are reviewed. The
main lesson is that international collaboration ventures can sometimes provide
arenas for initiating new coordination patterns that would otherwise not have
evolved. Occasionally, the international project is simply the pretext
necessary for changing a situation that both civilian and power agencies view
as irrational. Whether these changes are fundamental and structural, however,
remains to be seen.
Hønneland,
Geir and Jørgen Holten Jørgensen Moderne russisk
politikk: En innføring i Russlands politiske system ('Contemporary
Russian Politics: An Introduction to Russia's Political
System') Bergen, Fagbokforlaget, 2006, 168 p. In Norwegian. > Read related FNI news release (in
Norwegian) > For
more information and orders, contact Fagbokforlaget
This book
surveys the political system and bureaucratic apparatus of the Russian
Federation, focusing on the similarities and differences between Norway and
Russia: For example, has the government in Russia the same political influence
as that in Norway? Is a Russian governor the same as county
governor in Norway? The authors describe the basic features of the Russian
Constitution, the major political federal institutions, and the relationship
between the federal and the regional authorities. Then follows a chapter on
sectors of particular importance for Norway including fisheries
management, petroleum policy and environmental protection. The media, NGOs, and
civil society organizations are also discussed. The volume is well suited as a
textbook, especially for students of Russian, political science, Northern area
issues and journalism. It is indispensable for Norwegians whose work brings
them in contact with Russian policies and administration, and who need a deeper
understanding of the background to their Russian partners.
Hønneland, Geir and Jørgen Holten
Jørgensen 'Administrativ reform i Russland' ('Administrative
Reform in Russia') Nordisk Østforum, Vol 20, No 1, 2006,
pp. 45-62. In Norwegian. >
Download full-text PDF version (provided by NUPI)
Upon his re-election in 2004,
Russias president Vladimir Putin initiated a comprehensive reform to
overhaul and streamline the entire government apparatus in the Russian
Federation. Bureaucratic structures were to be organised according to a
three-tiered structure where (1) ministries (ministerstva) were made
responsible for formulating policy within their sphere of competence; (2)
federal agencies (agentstva) should take charge of relevant policy
implementation; and (3) services (sluzhby) were to control and monitor the
others work. The main rationale was to keep the policy-formulating,
implementing and controlling tasks separate from each other, in an attempt to
clarify roles and combat corruption. In addition, the reform aimed at reducing
the number of ministries and sub-divisions, as well as the number of vice
ministers and total staff in the federal bureaucracy. After giving a
description of the general outlines of the reform, this article continues with
short case studies from two sectors, the fishery and environmental protection,
by explaining what changes the reform has brought to the management of these.
An assessment of how the reform has been implemented is given. Although the
reform did provide the government apparatus with a new face, it is argued in
this article that the reform so far has failed to deliver on important tasks as
combating corruption or reducing the number of civil servants. Moreover, as old
habits die hard, operational procedures appear to have survived, despite the
new formal organisational relations set by the reform.
Rowe, Lars and Bernd Rechel 'Fighting
Tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS in Northeast Europe: Sustainable Collaboration or
Political Rhetoric?' The European Journal of Public Health, Vol
16, No 6, 2006, pp. 609-614. >
Full-text version available at Oxford Journals' website
In April
2000, the Council of the Baltic Sea States established the Task Force on
Communicable Disease Control in the Baltic Sea region (the Task Force). A
successor structure, the Northern Dimension Partnership in Public Health and
Social Wellbeing, was established in autumn 2003. This article, a follow-up
study to a series of evaluations of the Task Force, examines whether the
Northern Dimension has succeeded in developing the achievements of the Task
Force and ensuring the sustainability of regional health collaboration. The
study is qualitative, relying on documentary analysis and semi-structured
in-depth interviews with key actors. Relevant literature and key programme
documents were consulted, and approximately 100 interviews were conducted. The
short history of the Northern Dimension Partnership shows that many of the
problems encountered in the Task Force are reappearing. Inter-state rivalry,
most prominent between Nordic countries, still hampers progress, with resulting
scarce funding. The Partnership emphasises the need to anchor future
collaboration in centrally placed agencies in all participating countries. This
is a time consuming process, and has the inevitable effect of slowing down
project work. Although epidemiological data clearly illustrate the need for
continued multinational support to communicable disease control in Northeast
Europe, the above-mentioned factors impede progress in this respect. While
there are good reasons for cultivating partnerships with Russian federal
agencies in terms of sustainability, this focus does represent a loss of
momentum that may be difficult to overcome.
Jørgensen,
Jørgen Holten and Geir
Hønneland 'Implementing Global Nature Protection Regimes in
Russia' Journal of International Wildlife Law and Policy, Vol 9,
No 1, 2006, pp. 33-53. >
Download full-text post-print version (PDF) or access the definitive
version here
(subscribers only)
The article discusses Russian implementation of the
Ramsar Convention, the World Heritage Convention, CITES and the Convention on
Biological Diversity. The countrys international obligations are part of
Russian law, but little has been done by Russian authorities to implement the
agreements on the ground. Compliance with the international agreements is the
result of Russian protection measures that exist independently of the
conventions. Environmental concerns have been given reduced priority since the
early 1990s. An independent environmental protection agency no longer exists,
and the number of inspectors has been drastically reduced. Implementation
activities are undertaken primarily by international NGOs, and partly by
regional authorities.
Hønneland, Geir 'Samarbeidet med
Russland - erfaringer og utgangspunkt' ('The Cooperation with Russia -
Experiences and Point of Departure') Ottar, Vol 52, No 2, 2006,
pp. 57-62. In Norwegian. >
Download full-text version (PDF)
An integrated management plan for
the Barents Sea will be presented by the Government of Norway in spring 2006.
The article discusses the potential for including Russia in integrated marine
management in the region. Experiences from thirty years of joint fisheries
management between the two countries are largely good. The combination of low
environmental consciousness in Russia and the high degree of
compartmentalization of the Russian bureaucracy creates particular challenges
for the Norwegian aim of extending the integrated management plan to the entire
Barents Sea.
Schei, Peter Johan and Arild Moe 'Le Grand Nord - Défis et
Potentiels' ('The High North Challenges and
Potentials') Nordiques, No 9, 2006, pp. 21-40. In French. > Download full-text version
(PDF)
In the European High North, Russia and Norway have the
dominant territorial as well as economic interests. We find bilateral and
multilateral co-operation, but also conflicts of interest. During the Cold War,
these areas were largely seen internationally through the prism of security
policy. In the 1970s, issues of nature conservation also came to attention.
Today these areas have re-emerged with a focus on their hydrocarbon resources.
They will become increasingly important for energy supplies to Europe in the
coming years. Further development of the bilateral relations between Norway and
Russia regarding good fisheries management, environmental conservation
and safety standards for exploitation and transportation of oil and gas
will be essential for sustainable resource management in the North. However,
Norway has traditionally been reluctant towards arrangements that would act to
leave Norway alone with its big and powerful eastern neighbour. To balance a
heightened relationship with Russia, and in line with its general support of
multilateral arrangements, the Norwegian government (both the old and the new)
has argued for the need to develop further alliances with its traditional
allies to find solid political common ground regarding developments in the
North.
Blakkisrud, Helge and Geir Hønneland (eds) Tackling
Space: Federal Politics and the Russian North Lanham (MD) and
Oxford, University Press of America, 2005, 222 p.
The North is intrinsic
to the way most outsiders imagine Russia: snow, long winters and the endless
Siberian forests. Indeed, about 70 percent of the countrys territory is
defined as belonging to the North. These inhospitable tracts contain immense
natural wealth, and large cities were constructed in Soviet times to supply the
labor force for extraction industries. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the
Russian North has become both a burden and an asset. It is overdeveloped, with
its now obsolete mono-industrial towns, and underdeveloped, with its still
largely untapped natural resources. Todays Russian authorities face the
challenge of developing a new Northern policy adapted to the realities of the
21st century. With its expert contributions from political science, economics,
geography, and anthropology, this book represents the first comprehensive study
in the Western literature of federal politics towards the Russian North. In
addition to mapping the scope for federal governance, it covers such important
issue areas as infrastructure development, natural resource management,
environmental affairs, and policies towards indigenous peoples.
Hønneland, Geir and
Lars Rowe 'Western versus Post-Soviet
Medicine: Fighting Tuberculosis and HIV in North-West Russia and the Baltic
States' Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, Vol
21, No 3, 2005, pp. 395-414.
Western governments and international
organisations have since the late 1990s been involved in efforts to combat
tuberculosis and HIV in north-west Russia and the Baltic states, and reform the
post-Soviet health-care system. The article reviews Russian and Baltic
perceptions of these efforts. WHOs tuberculosis strategy DOTS encountered
fierce resistance in the Russian tuberculosis establishment, but has been
implemented in the north-western rim regions in Russia and all Baltic states.
While many view Western aid as a welcome contribution, others feel the problems
are exaggerated by the West. The Western emphasis on prison reform and sex
workers also meets resistance in the post-Soviet context.
Rowe, Lars and Geir
Hønneland 'Smittevern og internasjonal politikk'
('Communicable Diseases and International Politics') Tidsskrift for
Den norske lægeforening, No 12, 2005, pp. 78-80.
This article
briefly presents the international collaboration to fight the spread of
communicable diseases in the Baltic Sea region, under the auspices of the
Council of the Baltic Sea States. It then discusses the political motivation
behind the initiative, and elaborates upon some of the historically and
culturally determined obstacles to fruitful East-West collaboration in the
field of Communicable Disease Control. It is stated that Western medical
solutions to a certain degree have been forced upon highly qualified Russian
specialists, and that Western participants in health programmes are, to some
extent, perceived as arrogant and not sufficiently humble when dealing with
their Russian counterparts. The article supports this criticism, but also
attempts to draw a more complicated picture, by describing the post-Soviet
development that has lead to what can be called The Cold Peace, in
which Russian scepticism to the West is revived along the lines of the
traditional slavophile-westerniser dichotomy. Finally, the article gives
examples of projects where these obstacles have been overcome, and thus led to
successful outcomes.
Gulbrandsen,
Lars H. and Arild Moe 'Oil Company
CSR Collaboration in "New" Petro-states' Journal of Corporate
Citizenship, No 20, 2005, pp. 53-64. > Download full-text version
(PDF)
This article explores oil company collaboration in handling
corporate social responsibility (CSR) in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. Both states
display some features of the paradox of plenty thesis, that is,
large mineral resources, overspending due to exaggerated expectations of
petro-riches, a weak system of tax collection, accumulation of loans, lack of
development of other sectors of the economy but oil, and increasing social
inequality. We ask whether oil companies assume any responsibility for
improving this situation and propose that oil companies are likely to
co-operate to promote economic, social and political development in new
petroleum provinces. Such collaboration could reduce the individual
companys economic costs and risk of exposure in sensitive issues. It is
found that although oil companies have established co-operative forums in both
states to address CSR, government policy or adjacent issues, little has been
achieved. While the co-operative CSR forums in Azerbaijan have ceased to exist,
those identified in Kazakhstan have dealt with oil companies core
business interests rather than wider CSR issues. Various explanations for the
lack of co-operative success in handling CSR are discussed.
Rowe, Lars 'Et propagandistisk alternativ
til diplomati - Sovjetisk utenrikspolitikk og Fredsfronten i Norge' ('A
Propagandistic Alternative to Diplomacy: Soviet Foreign Policy and the
Norwegian Peace Front') Historisk tidsskrift, Vol 84, No 2, 2005,
pp. 297-310. In Norwegian.
The article is based on studies of the
Norwegian Peace Movement and its alleged role as a messenger of Soviet foreign
policy views during the Cold War. It has been broadly assumed, by
contemporaries and historians alike, that in the early years of the Cold War,
Soviet diplomacy was to a large extent replaced by a comprehensive effort to
exert pressure on Western governments through rallying support from Western
peace activists. Throughout this period, it was frequently claimed that the
Peace Movement was an instrument in the hands of the Communists, and under the
direct influence of the Kremlin. Through documentation from Russian and
Norwegian archives, it is asserted in this article that the Soviet foreign
policy apparatus in the early Cold War years (1949-1956) was indeed geared on
strengthening and utilising forces within the Peace Movement to reach certain
foreign policy goals. Direct Soviet initiatives in establishing a new
peace movement, headed by the World Peace Council and its national
sections, are also documented. Further, the present article describes the
fundamentals in what the author calls the Communist Peace
Mythology, and elaborates on the impact the Soviet peace strategy had on
the Norwegian peace movement. The author discusses briefly how the Norwegian
press and political establishment perceived the peace offensive. The concluding
section discusses whether the peace offensive was a trait of Soviet
foreign policy, Stalinist foreign policy, or merely a strategy that could be
applied in times of high tension in the international arena. The last and most
general interpretation is chosen. With reference to both the anti-fascist
Popular Front in the 1930s, and the Communist revitalisation of the peace
struggle during the second cold war in the late 1970s and the early
1980s, it is argued that Soviet diplomacy gave way to the Soviet Peace
Offensive in high-tension periods. In place of diplomacy came propaganda,
voiced through a conglomerate of so-called progressive organisations headed by
the World Peace Council.
Hønneland,
Geir Barentsbrytninger. Norsk nordområdepolitikk etter den
kalde krigen. ('Barents Breaking. Norwegian Foreign Policy in the North after
the Cold War') Kristiansand, Høyskoleforlaget, 2005, 190 p.
In Norwegian. > For more information and orders, contact Høyskoleforlaget >
Read book review (in Norwegian)
Norwegian foreign policy in the
north has changed dramatically since the early 1990s. The Cold War's focus on
Soviet military force and delimitation of the Barents Sea has been replaced by
issues such as the development of East-West contacts in trade and industry,
environmental clean-up and the fight against communicable diseases. At the same
time, new dimensions have been added to traditional policy questions of the
European north, such as the status of the Svalbard archipelago and the
Norwegian-Russian regime for fisheries management in the Barents Sea. The book
reviews various arenas for collaboration between Norway and Russia in the north
and dominant discourses in Norwegian foreign policy in the area after the Cold
War.
Moe, Arild,
Kristian Tangen, Vladimir Berdin and Oleg Pluzhnikov 'Emissions Trading
and Green Investments in Russia' Energy & Environment, Vol
14, No 6, 2003, pp. 841-858.
In simple terms a Green Investment Scheme
(GIS) entails connecting revenues from emissions trading to investments in
environmental activities in Russia. This article presents insights derived from
an international project on the GIS. The idea of a Green Investment Scheme grew
out of the external opportunities for Russia created by the Kyoto mechanisms as
well as the needs and challenges for Russian economic development. The GIS also
takes into consideration the obligations of large emitters, such as the EU,
Japan and Canada to find ways to offset their own emissions and gives impetus
to the development of an environmentally benign system for trade in Assigned
Amount Units (AAUs) . To make the concept operational several issues must be
addressed, which are discussed in the article, on the background of the
domestic, as well as international interests connected to a GIS. GIS is a
worthwhile concept with the potential to bring real environmental benefits and
meet profound concerns from several of the key actors in the Kyoto regime.
However, establishing a well-functioning GIS means removing many of the current
barriers that hold back investments in Russia. GIS illustrates that there will
be substantial benefits for Russia from ratifying the Kyoto Protocol, which is
a prerequisite for its entering into force.
Hønneland, Geir Russia and the
West: Environmental Co-operation and Conflict London and New York,
Routledge, 2003, 208 p. (Hardback) London and New York, Routledge, 2011, 208
p. (Paperback) > For more information and orders, see Routledge's
website: Hardback /
Paperback
The
book traces similarities and differences between Russian and Western
perceptions of environmental problems in the Arctic, of what causes them and of
how they are being dealt with at the international level. It focuses on how
environmental problems are framed and how this affects politics. Using a
distinctive cross-cutting focus on environmental discourse and East-West
relations, the author provides an in-depth analysis of the interface between
Russia and Western countries over environmental issues such as nuclear safety,
air pollution and the management of living marene resources.
Moe, Arild and Kristian Tangen The Kyoto
Mechanisms and Russian Climate Politics London, Royal Institute of
International Affairs, 2000, 110 p.
The Kyoto Protocol established
binding emission reduction targets for the industrialised countries, including
economies in transition. It also introduced the so-called 'Kyoto Mechanisms' to
help meet these targets in 'flexible' and cost-effective ways. This book
analyses Russian climate policy,both development of negotiating position, on
the background of energy sector interests and trends in emissions, and emerging
issues in domestic implementation of the climate regime: How are various
interests affected and how are they likely to respond? Special attention is
given to the Russian natural gas sector. This sector will be an important
factor in Russia's achievementof its own targets (stabilisation at 1990 levels)
and in the development of international emissions trading and joint
implementation projects.
Moe, Arild and
Anne-Kristin Jørgensen 'Offshore
Mineral Development in the Russian Barents Sea' Post-Soviet Gegraphy
and Economics, Vol 41, No 2, 2000, pp. 98-133.
Starting with
exploration activities which began during the Soviet period and have been
extended to the present, the status of the major development projects and
conflicting regional and central government interests involved in such
development, is described and evaluated. Coverage includes the emergence of
Rosshelf, an oil/gas conglomerate formed to facilitate defense conversion
activities of major naval shipyards. Critical to analysis of the projects'
potential is assessment of alternative gas supplies as well as energy
development strategies.
Hønneland, Geir
and Anne-Kristin Jørgensen
'Closed Cities on the Kola Peninsula: From Autonomy to Integration?'
Polar Geography, Vol 22, No 4, 1998, pp. 231-248.
The article
investigates the extent to which six closed cities in Murmansk oblast' - the
region in Russia with the highest concentration of closed cities - are being
integrated into the economic and social fabric of Russia, as measured by the
strength of linkages between institutions and people inside and outside the
closed cities, as well as the relationship between civilian and military
authorities within these cities. Particular attention is devoted to an
examination of similarities and differences among the six cities in terms of
their basic economic activities, current situation, and ties with the outside
world.
Stokke, Olav Schram 'Nuclear Dumping in
Arctic Seas: Russian Implementation of the London Convention' In Victor,
D.G. et. al. (eds), The Implementation and Effectiveness of International
Environmental Commitments: Theory and Practice. MIT Press, 1998, pp.
475-517.
This article argues that the regime set up by the London
Convention on dumpinghas helped reduce domestic access barriers in the Soviet
Union and Russiato decisions on disposal of nuclear waste and promoted a
step-wise broadening of actual participation of regulative agencies and
societal intervenor groups.The consequences of these changes for the
effectiveness of the international dumping regime have been measured along
three dimensions: monitoring, regulation,and compliance stimulation, including
enhancement of target-group capacityto avoid dumping. |
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